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Eadweard Muybridge
The Stanford Years, 1872-1882

This is the fourteenth
in a series of books
published by the
Department of Art,
Stanford University
Lorenz Eitner, Chairman

The Leland Stanford Junior University

Library of Congress catalogue card number: 72-92567

The exhibition which this catalogue accompanies

is sponsored by The Stanford University Museum of Art,

The E.B. Crocker Art Gallery, Sacramento, and the

USC Performing Arts Coordinating Council and University Galleries,

University of Southern California, Los Angeles

The Art Department of Stanford University gratefully
acknowledges the assistance to its publishing program
of the Carnegie Corporation of New York

EADWEARD MUYBRID

This exhibition, designed to honor the
pioneer work of Eadweard Muybridge,
would have little meaning had not his
experiments in instantaneous photography led
to the invention of the most pervasive art form
of the twentieth century, the motion picture.

There is something at once awesome and
symbolic in the fact that at the very time that
Muybridge was conducting his experiments in
Palo Alto, California, a hundred years ago, in
Ricse, Hungary, Adolph Zukor was born-an'
other kind of pioneer, a man with the imagina^
tion to see the possibilities of an art in the crude,
flickering images of the early movies, and with
the energy and ability to create out of them the
art'-industry that we know today.

LPH, ZUKOR

M-

GE — AD

In a very real sense, the life of Adolph Zukor
has spanned the entire development of motion
pictures. And it is no less realistic to observe
that, without the leadership of men like Zukor,
we would not be celebrating today these early
achievements of Eadweard Muybridge. The an'
nals of history must be filled with bold pioneers
whose inventions are wholly forgotten because
no one had the imagination to find an audience
for them.

It is, therefore, more than appropriate that in
honoring the centennial ofEadweard Muybridge' s
achievements we also recognize the centennial
of Adolph Zukor's birth. The creative artist and
the creative entrepreneur- the one could never
exist without the other.

ARTHUR KNIGHT

Eadweard Muybridge
The Stanford Years, 1872-1882

Stanford University Museum of Art 7 October - 4 December 1972

E. B. Crocker Art Gallery, Sacramento 16 December -14 January 1973

University Galleries, University of Southern California, Los Angeles 8 February -11 March 1973

^VlNQ STUOV°*

This catalogue and the exhibition it accompanies are dedicated to
the painter Susan Weil, of New York, who introduced me to the work of Eadweard Muybridge in 1953

Anita Ventura Mozley, Registrar and Curator of Photography
Stanford University Museum of Art

Eadweard Muybridge: The Stanford Years, 1872-1882

Introduction Anita Ventura Mozley 7

Eadweard Muybridge, 1830-1904 Robert Bartlett Haas 11

Photographs by Muybridge, 1872-1880
Catalogue and Notes on the Work Anita Ventura Mozley 37

Marey, Muybridge and Meissonier
The Study of Movement in Science and Art Frangoise Forster-Hahn 85

Documents 110

Muybridge Bibliography 134

Jean-Louis-Ernest Meissonier (1815-1891)
Leland Stanford "1881"
oil on canvas, 15 x 20 in.
Stanford University Museum of Art
Stanford Collection

Photograph by Wm. Vick Studio, Ipswich
Eadweard Muybridge c. 1881
Courtesy of Robert B. Haas

Introduction

"The circumstances must have been exceptionally felicitous that
made co-laborateurs of the man that no practical impediment
could halt, and of the artist who, to keep pace with the
demands of the railroad builder hurried his art to a marvel of
perfection that it is fair to believe it would not else have
reached in another century. "

E.J. Muybridge, 1881

That the Stan ford /Muybridge collaboration was a felicitous one
was widely acknowledged in its own time. The outcome of the
photographic experiments they made at Palo Alto Farm in
1878 and 1879 was reported in journals in this country and in
Europe. By 1879, the year in which Thomas Eakins based his
painting, The Fairman Rogers Four-in-Hand, on a serial
photograph from Muybridge's The Horse in Motion,
representation of the horse in art was changed to conform with
photographic evidence, and in 1881, the year of Muybridge's
triumph in France, the physiologist Etienne-Jules Marey of the
College de France abandoned the method of graphic notation
of animal locomotion that he had been using and turned,
under the influence of Muybridge's results, to making
photographic records of motion. Muybridge's zoopraxiscope,
which he devised in 1879, was the first instrument to
synthesize motion that had been analytically photographed
from life. Thus, as a result of the experiments at Palo Alto
Farm, the forerunner of the motion picture was introduced to
astonished nineteenth-century audiences, of whom the first was
the Leland Stanford family in their Palo Alto home. "All that
was wanting," said one San Francisco reporter, "was the clatter
of hoofs." Muybridge himself forecast the day when entire
operas would be presented through the combined effects of his
zoopraxiscope and the phonograph.

The successful outcome of the Stanford /Muybridge
collaboration has called forth twentieth -century celebrations: in
1929, a three-day colloquium was held at Stanford University,
and in 1930, the Royal Borough of Kingston-upon-Thames,
Muybridge's birthplace, struck a medal marking the centenary
of his birth. Forty-two years later, the Stanford University
Museum of Art celebrates the hundredth anniversary of the

beginning of Stanford's and Muybridge's work together with the
presentation of an exhibition and catalogue that differs from
these previous events in this respect: we hope now to present
Muybridge whole, as it were, and to make it clear that the
"man who took the pictures of the running horses," as he is
most often described, came to the task quite prepared for it,
through some ten years of experience as a photographer. And
we want to answer to his often-repeated description of himself
as "a photographic artist" with a display of his work of the
1870s upon which such a description is based. The art of
photography is dependent upon its science; this was especially
true when Muybridge practised it, for there were then no
packaged goods, and every photographer was his own chemist.
We will also see, in Muybridge's work of the 1870s, how
technically proficient he was before he undertook the studies of
animal locomotion. In our change of emphasis, or rather
extension of interest in the work of Muybridge, we will follow
him as he "hurried his art to a marvel of perfection," and
finally produced for Stanford the synthesized motion that had
been so avidly sought in the nineteenth century. Here now is
given not only the accomplishment for which Muybridge is
internationally known, but also the work basic to it, which we
believe deserves equal attention. This is, so far as we know, the
first time that the Muybridge studies of animal locomotion have
been seen in relation to the photographs that preceded them.

In focusing on Muybridge's work during these years of his and
Stanford's collaboration, we have learned some strange things.
Through documents recently made available by the George
Arents Research Library of Syracuse University, we learn that
Muybridge was early a writer, a talent often congenial to
photographers. The quotation given above is from an unsigned
history of the Palo Alto experiments that appeared in the San
Francisco Examiner for 6 February 1881 under the heading
"Leland Stanford's Gift to Science and to Art." According to
Muybridge's history, Stanford's gift was Muybridge. His article
on the collaboration is rich in praise of Stanford and himself,
and the dates he gives for some circumstances of the
experiments are questionable. We are not sure, for instance,
having no photographic proof, that Muybridge really did take a

photograph in 1872 of a horse at that point in its stride when
all four feet are off the ground. Marey published experimental
proof of this unsupported transit in 1873. While we celebrate a
centennial date, we must also question it: did both Stanford
and Muy bridge thus claim priority for their work? Still,
Muybridge always said that his experiments "commenced in
1872," and Stanford never disallowed the statement.

As a writer, Muybridge's subject was most often himself: in
1868 he had written, as publisher, about his own photographs,
which he then issued under the pseudonym "Helios."
Muybridge was also his own best historian: the most valuable
source of information we have about his career is the
scrapbook, now in the Kingston-upon-Thames Library, that he
made of press clippings he had gathered throughout his life.

It is also strange to learn that it was doctors' orders, of all
things, that started each of them on the courses that would
eventually bring them together. From Scrapbook 6 of the
Stanford Family Scrapbooks in the University Archives, an
article of the early 1890s, under the heading "Senator
Stanford's Great Palo Alto Breeding Ranch," we find that
Stanford "became interested in thoroughbred horses . . .
through ill health. My doctor had ordered a vacation for me
and had told me that I must go away on a tour. I could not
leave at that time, and he advised me to leave as soon as
possible. I bought a little horse, that turned out to be
remarkably fast, and it was in the using of it that I became
interested in the study of the horse and its actions. . . ." And,
according to Robert B. Haas, Muybridge's biographer,
Muybridge was ordered by his physician to take up an
"outdoor" activity to repair his health after a nearly disastrous
stagecoach accident. Stanford determined to breed and train
fast horses; Muybridge to become a professional photographer.

They were both men who strove to be at the top of their
chosen fields. H.C. Nash, tutor to Leland Stanford, Jr., from
1881 until the boy's death in 1884, remarked in 1889 to the
historian H.H. Bancroft, who was preparing his Chronicles of
the Builders, that "anything in which Stanford is interested, he
can go at." Stanford went at the breeding and training of
trotting horses in such a way as to make the Palo Alto Farm
famous throughout the world. He invented the so-called "brush
system" of training, a system in which young horses were
trained early for speed rather than endurance. According to
Charles Marvin, the well-known trainer Stanford hired in 1878,

Stanford instituted what we now consider progressive notions,
even in relation to the education of children. In his Training
the Trotting Horse, Marvin tells that no employee was kept on
who used an angry tone or a foul word in the presence of the
horses, and the daily custom of the stable included every
comfort for the physical well-being and emotional security of
the animals, including hot meals from a recipe of Stanford's
own devising. The young horses were guided through steps in
their education according to their abilities, and Stanford
carefully observed their progress, when he was at the farm,
from his revolving chair in the center of the "kindergarten
track." (Muybridge's Attitudes of Animals in Motion of 1881
reflects this personal interest in the animals; we know the
names of Stanford's horses from the index to the photographs,
but the athletes of the Olympic Club of San Francisco, the first
men to enter a motion-picture stage, are unnamed.) Stanford's
personalized system of training and breeding was ultimately
widely adopted; in its own sphere, it was a "revolution."

Muybridge was equally thorough. After a successful career in
San Francisco as a seller of imported books, he plunged into
the profession of photography to become the most sought-after
photographic artist on the West Coast. From his correspondence
with such journals as The Philadelphia Photographer and
Anthony's Bulletin, we learn that he followed closely advances
in the technique of photography, and early contributed ideas
that furthered progress in its practice. He was ambitious for
preeminence: if the photographer Carleton E. Watkins could
make 18 x 22 in. negatives of the Valley of the Yosemite in
1861, Muybridge would eventually go him better, in 1872, and
take larger and more comprehensive views than had ever been
made of it, or any other Western scenery, for that matter. For
this work he won the gold medal for landscape at the Vienna
Exposition of 1873, in a competition that included fifty
photographers from all over the world. At this time he was
associated with the Bradley & Rulofson Gallery of San
Francisco, which boasted "the only elevator connected with
photography in the world," among other superiorities of men
and equipment. The Bradley & Rulofson publication, Catalogue
of Photographic Views Illustrating The Yosemite, Mammoth
Trees, Geyser Springs, and other remarkable and Interesting
Scenery of the Far West, by Muybridge tells us that by 1873,
Muybridge had photographed in both stereo and large views the
remarkable range of subjects that the catalogue indicates. There
was probably hardly a parlor in the West that did not have some
stereo views by Muybridge, which, when placed in the

stereoscope, would delight the viewer with a three-dimensional
vision of spectacular scenery which he might never otherwise
see. We also know, from the almost comprehensive collection of
Muybridge's work of these years which is now held by The Bancroft
Library that also he had made studies of moonlight effects, light
and shadow, reflected images, of clouds and of trees. The
Philadelphia Photographer called him "indefatiguable and
untiring"; one term alone would not do justice to the amount and
variety of his photographic production.

When Stanford and Muybridge met, Stanford, ex-Governor
of California and President of the Central Pacific Railroad, was
one of the state's leading citizens; Muybridge was at the top of
his profession. They met, therefore, as equals in terms of the
business at hand, in which each developed a consuming interest.
During the time of their collaboration, what must have been
immense personal differences were put aside. It is interesting to
picture the railroad builder and the artist in conversation at
Palo Alto or in Stanford's offices in the city and to recognize
their temperamental differences as we can gather them from
styles of expression and dress. In 1881, Meissonier painted the
carefully groomed business man in his proper garb of the
period, with his ivory-headed, gold-inlaid cane. Here is the man
who could utter: "The machine cannot lie." Shortly thereafter
Olive Logan reported from London to the Philadelphia Times
that Muybridge "bears the traces of genius in his face and
general get-up. As to the latter, it is artistique au possible; the
loosely tied neck ribbon, the velvet coat, the gray felt

sombrero these might be called Californian, were they not

the true artistic style of the London and Paris ateliers. With
gray hair carelessly tossed back from an intellectual forehead,
bright flashing eyes and a pleasant mouth, Mr. Muybridge must
make himself an interesting subject for a photograph, whether in
motion or at rest. . ."

Each of them, as the work came to an end, saw in its
successful conclusion the realization of their separate
aspirations, and a claim to glory. For Stanford, it was the
crowning achievement of his interest in the scientific training
and breeding of horses. For Muybridge, it summarized his
superiority in the science and art of photography. Each of them
believed his role to be the important one. It was the end of
felicity. Stanford published his own book on the experiments,
giving the photographer little credit, and Muybridge, after
registering his objections to this by suing his former patron,
found some one else to support more extensive, accurate and

elaborate experiments.

Underlying the eventual falling out between them was, it
appears, the difference between the interests that had
brought them together. A theory of animal locomotion was
what Stanford was after, and photographs were useful to it as
proof only. They were the raw material of the investigation,
and once they provided him with information, they could be
thrown out the window. To be finally acceptable, to Stanford,
photographs had to be translated into a more traditional
graphic medium. (He would take the photographs of the
Olympic Club athletes to Europe, a San Francisco newspaper
reports in 1879, "to have them worked up into large
paintings.") He published line copies of Muybridge's
photographs in his book, The Horse in Motion, which was
written by Dr. J.D.B. Stillman. (Who, Muybridge later said,
"never was present at an experiment in motion.") By
translating Muybridge's photographs into line drawings,
Stanford destroyed the very exact "witness of the sun," as the
nineteenth century called photography, a witness he himself
had so unhesitatingly sought from Muybridge. The
photographer of motion was furious. Stanford, the wealthy
collector of certified American and European art, did not have
a photographic vision. Muybridge did, and it is his vision that
convinces us today.

Muybridge worked at a time when the canons of his art
were being invented; he was one of the inventors. He began his
work rooted in a nineteenth-century idea of illustration. As did
other photographers of his time, he turned to painting as a
model. So powerful were his photographs, that painters came to
use them as studies for their own work. He manipulated his
negatives, touching them out where it seemed effective, or
combining them for heightened drama, a practice that is being
taken up again today among photographers. As he progressed in
his profession the science of his art took over; he soon pushed
the capabilities of his medium as far as his wet-plate collodion
equipment would permit. His pride, as a photographic artist,
was that he "advanced photography." This present review of his
work of the 1870s gives us the photographs upon which his
claim to superiority was based. It reveals the justification of
this claim. What Muybridge finally came to, under Stanford's
patronage, was the previously unknown photographic analysis
of motion, the negatives "taken in the 1/2000 part of a
second," and the synthesis of this stopped motion. In 1972, when
his achievement is our daily reality, we celebrate it. A.V.M.

Muybridge, Bradley & Rulofson advertising card 1873
Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley

Eadweard Muybridge, 1830 1904

Robert Bartlett Haas

No more fascinating and mysterious a figure flickers through
the scientific and artistic literature of the late nineteenth
century than that of Eadweard Muybridge. The fascination
arises from his work in photography (particularly his
photography of motion), which, despite its undeniable influence
on subsequent researchers and artists, remains today largely
unexplored, unstudied or unestimated. The mystery arises from
Muybridge's personality as well as from the curious absence of
much of the biographical data which is required for an
objective assessment of the man in relation to his work and his
accomplishments. How appropriate it is, then, since Leland
Stanford was Eadweard Muybridge's first great patron, that the
Stanford University Museum of Art should seek a new
evaluation of Eadweard Muybridge in 1972, the hundredth
anniversary of his first commission for Leland Stanford.

Opinions have differed, over the years, as to the real value
and meaning of Muybridge's work:

Was Muybridge truly a master-photographer of the
nineteenth century, or was he only a retardataire worker and
self-appointed genius? Was Muybridge the chief architect for
Stanford's plan to investigate animal locomotion, or was he
merely a technician employed by Stanford as an instrumentality
to realize a project which Stanford had independently
conceived? Was Muybridge the inventor of the modern motion
picture, or was he only a minor figure in the history of
cinematic progress?

This centenary exhibition will begin to answer such
questions. And if, in the process of digesting the facts and
reducing the ambiguities, the Muybridge legend should
somewhat alter, Eadweard Muybridge will at least, or at last, in
simple justice, be accorded his rightful and considered place.

1830-1872: From Muggeridge to Muybridge

Eadweard Muybridge was born Edward James Muggeridge on 9
April 1830 in Kingston-upon-Thames. His father, a

well-established corn and small-coal chandler, died in 1843,
leaving a widow and four sons. Eadweard attended Queen
Elizabeth's Free Grammar School in Kingston and subsequently
sought practical training and work in London, where
Muggeridges had been stationers and papermakers since the
eighteenth century. Muybridge's first American employment, as
a commission merchant for the London Printing & Publishing
Company, and his early interest in developing patents for a
"plate-printing apparatus," strongly suggest a family-related
apprenticeship. In 1851 he also became agent for Johnson, Fry
& Company, serving their offices in Boston, New York and
Philadelphia. He traveled between New York and the principal
ports of the southern states, overseeing the importing, sale and
distribution of books.

During these years, Muybridge met Silas Selleck, a New
York daguerreotypist whose family was engaged in the business
of book printing and bookbinding. In letters written home at
this time, Muybridge said that he, too, was "working at
photography," no doubt under Selleck's tutelage. When Selleck
struck out for California in the early 1850s and established a
successful photographic gallery in San Francisco, Muybridge
resolved to settle on the West Coast and manage a bookstore of
his own.

At the age of twenty-five, Eadweard Muybridge (first as
Muggeridge, then as Muygridge) established a bookstore and
general salesroom at 113 Montgomery Street, San Francisco.
Here he claimed to have "a larger assortment of handsomely
gotten up Illustrated Works than any other house in
California."1 He was soon well-known and well-patronized by
the local literary and Bohemian crowds. He served on the board
of the Mercantile Library. He was soon successful enough
financially to bring his brother George and his brother Tom to
California to tend shop for him while he himself traveled
throughout the state in order to contact "gentlemen furnishing
libraries" in this culture-hungry period of California's
development. On these sightseeing jaunts, Muybridge developed
his acquaintance with the varied resources and natural beauties

&°

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r^r Illustrations or TKJE 4

"'-Vimq STU0|0'

Muybridge, "Helios's" Flying Studio in San Francisco 1868
B&R 340; stereo, 3V4 x 3 in. Bancroft Library

Muybridge, "Helios's" Flying Studio in Yosemite 1867
B&R 114; stereo, 3V4 x 3 in. Bancroft Library

of California and the West Coast which he was subsequently to
make known to the world through the medium of photography.

In the summer of 1860, Muybridge returned to England to
prepare himself for a serious second professional career as a
photographer. Traveling by the Butterfield Overland Mail route
through Texas to Missouri, he suffered severe injury when the
stagecoach was overturned and wrecked. American medical
treatment proved unsatisfactory; he traveled on to England,
where he put himself under the extended care of one of the
greatest physicians of the day, Sir William Gull. Gull's
predilection for "natural therapy" encouraged Muybridge to
plan only an outdoor career for himself. The public's passion for
collecting stereoscopic views illustrating remote and exotic parts
of the world suggested a lucrative field to him. He returned to
California with new photographic skills, a new sense of energy
and purpose, and a new dream of photographing the Far West
for the world to see.

The San Francisco to which Eadweard Muybridge returned
in the mid-1860s, as Clarence King described it, ". . . stood on
the threshold of greatness." Ambitions were growing more
refined. The completion of the transcontinental railroad,
achieved in 1869, was about to make the old sea and land
routes to the Gold Coast obsolete. Eadweard Muybridge
plunged immediately into the five years of strenuous and
productive photography during which he produced some
two-thousand photographs that systematically portrayed the Far
West. The photographs fall into a number of "series,"
identifiable today in the Bradley & Rulofson Catalogue of
Photographic Views Illustrating the Yosemite, Mammoth
Trees, Geyser Springs, and other remarkable and Interesting
Scenery of the Far West, by Muybridge, a summary of all of his
"outdoor" work done to 1873. 2 This included San

Francisco views, Yosemite and Calaveras views, Vancouver
Island and Alaska views, Lighthouses of the Pacific Coast,
Farallone Island views, Railroads, (Central Pacific, Union Pacific
and California Pacific), Geyser Springs, Woodward's Gardens (in
San Francisco), and Scenery of the Yosemite Valley and the
Mariposa Grove. Until 1872, these photographs were signed
with the pseudonym "Helios"; after that, Muybridge used his
own name.

Muybridge

North Point Dock c.1868
B&R 301 ; stereo, 3V4 x 3 in.
(Muybridge is seated on the dock)
Bancroft Library

Through his photographs Muybridge achieved considerable
fame and fortune. They were internationally distributed and did
much to make the West Coast known abroad. Muybridge's great

photographic cataloguing of the West is being rediscovered
today. There is something so forceful, so intensive and so
athletic in his coverage that it is difficult to comprehend it as
the work of one man. In its day Muybridge's landscape
photography was accorded professional recognition for its
excellence, and Helen Hunt Jackson called Muybridge not only
a photographer, but an artist. "I am not sure, after all," she
wrote, "that there is anything so good to do in San Francisco
as to spend a forenoon in Mr. Muybridge's little upper chamber,
looking over those marvellous pictures."

1872-1877: Early Experiments in California

In the spring of 1872, according to Muybridge, an unexpected
summons from Leland Stanford, former governor of the State of
California and powerful president of the Central Pacific Railroad
Company, suddenly gave another direction to the course of
Muybridge's professional life. In brief, Stanford telegraphed
Muybridge from his residence in Sacramento, requesting that he
secure photographic evidence for him that a horse trotting at top
speed has all four feet off the ground at one point in his stride.

Although subsequent events and misunderstandings have
tended to cloud the exact nature of the Stanford/Muybridge
collaboration, Muybridge himself recorded, during the Stanford
years, that he was "perfectly amazed at the boldness and
originality of the proposition," and wondered at first whether it
could be accomplished.4 He accepted the commission, however,
and in May of 1872 made several negatives of Stanford's fast
horse Occident at the Union Park Race Course in Sacramento.
Occident was "trotting, laterally, in front of his camera, at rates
of speed varying from two minutes and twenty-five seconds to
two minutes and eighteen seconds per mile." 5 Muybridge then
returned to the Yosemite Valley, where he was making the
wet-plate glass negatives, in sizes ranging from 20 x 24 inches to
stereos, that he printed for publication by Bradley & Rulofson
in 1873.

The photographs of Occident made at this time were not
intended for commercial distribution and have not, to date,
been located. Nor have been the photographs made in April,
1873, when Muybridge returned to Sacramento for a second
try, although the Alta California referred to them as "a great
triumph as a curiosity in photography — a horse's picture taken

Muybridge, advertising card
Pacific Rolling Mills
stereo, 3V4 x 3 in.
Bancroft Library

c.1869

Opposite:

Muybridge, stereo views

Bancroft Library

1868-1874

Indian Pow-Wow House, Nanaimo B&R 508, c. 1868

Chinese Joss House, Astrological Priest B&R 845, c. 1870

California Standard Sack Co.

View in Woodward's Gardens B&R 555, c. 1869

At the Velocipe Training School B&R 444, c. 1868

Classroom, San Vincent's Orphan Asylum, c. 1874

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Muybridge

Studies of Clouds c. 1869

B&R 535, 541, 537, 536, 544, 548

stereos, 3 x 3V4 in.

Bancroft Library

Muybridge

Studies of Trees c. 1869
B&R 518-19, 521, 523-24
stereos, 3 x 3 'A in.
Bancroft Library

while going thirty-eight feet in a second!" 6 Muybridge always
claimed that the photographs resulting from these experiments
"were sufficiently sharp to give a recognizable silhouette
portrait of the driver, and some of them exhibited the horse
with all four of his feet clearly lifted, at the same time, above
the surface of the ground." Although Muybridge never claimed
more quality for either the 1872 or 1873 pictures than to say
they were "photographic impressions," Stanford found them
entirely satisfactory for his immediate purpose. Because the
original photographs were never circulated, photographic
historians have found it easy to assert that they were
"inconclusive" and mere silhouettes."

It is likely that the Currier & Ives print, The California
Wonder OCCIDENT, owned by Gov. L. Stanford, entered for
copyright in 1873, was intended to make both the photographs
and the results of the experiments visual. As translated to the
lithographic stone by the equestrian artist, J. Cameron,
Occident displays himself in harness, at the private trial of
speed, with all four feet free of the ground.

Further experiments in the photography of rapid motion
under Stanford's aegis were unfortunately suspended during the
years 1874 to 1876 because of the unhappy turn of events in
Muybridge's private life. His young wife, Flora, became
infatuated with the soldier of fortune Major Henry Larkyns, a
dashing and mysterious figure who for a few brief months
enlivened San Francisco's Bohemian society. After warning
Larkyns away from his wife, Muybridge told Larkyns that he
would not hesitate to destroy him if it were necessary to do so.
Some months later Flora bore a son. Inadvertantly, Muybridge
learned that the love affair between Larkyns and Flora had
continued, so that the child might well be Larkyns's rather than
his own. With a shockingly cool sense of justice, Muybridge
then sought out Harry Larkyns on 17 October 1874 and
deliberately shot him. [See Documents, B]. The trial that
ensued was one of the most dramatic that the state had ever
seen. No doubt Leland Stanford stood behind Muybridge
throughout the case, for Stanford's great friend, Wirt W.
Pendegast, served as lawyer for the defense and won an
acquittal on the ground of justifiable homicide.7 Following the
trial, a way was found for Muybridge to leave the country until
the unpleasantness had blown over. He traveled to Central
America, arriving at Panama by Pacific Mail steamer in March,
1875. During his stay there, Flora Shallcross Stone Muybridge
died.

The year before the murder, Muybridge had completed his
documentation of the Modoc War; during his stay in Central
America he produced a series of Central America and Isthmus
of Panama views; and upon his return he executed the various
panoramas of San Francisco "from the California Street Hill"
that remain among the real wonders of West Coast
photography. During Muybridge's long periods on shipboard, he
had experimented with new chemicals and a new shutter
intended for the instantaneous photography of motion. 8 Thus,
despite the tragic character of this period of his life, Muybridge
was professionally very productive.

By 1876 Muybridge claimed to be prepared to take
photographs at 1/1000 of a second. Experiments for Stanford
were, as Muybridge later said, "desultorily continued." It is
probable that a Muybridge photograph of 1876 (as yet
undiscovered) also supplied the image for another lithograph of
Currier & Ives: Occident/ (Formerly 'Wonder') brown gelding,
by pacing stallion St. Clair, dam 's pedigree unknown. Owned by
Ex-Gov. Leland Stanford of California/Record 2:16 3/4, Sept.
17th, 1876/Thos. Worth on stone.

The last of the Sacramento photographs was taken in July,
1877. The now world-famous Occident was again the subject. A
picture was circulated among newsmen in August and created a
proper furore. Muybridge described it as a photograph of
Occident made while "trotting past me at the rate of 2:27,
accurately timed, or 36 feet in a second, about 40 feet distant,
the exposure of the negative being less than the one-thousandth
part of a second. The length of exposure can be pretty
accurately determined by the fact that the whip in the driver's
hand did not move the distance of its diameter. The picture has
been retouched, as is customary at this time with all first class
photographic work, for the purpose of giving a better effect to
the details. In every other respect, the photograph is exactly as
it was made in the camera."

McCrellish, editor of the Alta, called the picture "a novelty
in photographic art, and a delineation of speed which the eye
cannot catch "10 Resources of California reported, "Progress in

Photography an Astonishing Result." The San Francisco

Bulletin called the picture, "A Triumph of Photographic Art."
Only the Post took a dim view of the matter, questioning the
attitudes of the horse and the driver: "Either the camera did
lie," the writer asserted, "or Stanford has got the most
extraordinary horse in the world."11 Again, the photograph was

not distributed commercially, but the curious who went to
Muybridge's studio were shown the negative along with a sworn
statement by the driver, Mr. Tennant, as to the speed the horse
had been traveling. Prints purporting to be from the negative
were copyrighted by Muybridge in 1877 and distributed as
"Occident Photographed at Full Speed," an "Automatic-
Electro-Photograph."

Fortunately (or unfortunately), the Stanford Museum still
possesses an almost totally hand-painted picture by the artist
John Koch, the high-paid retoucher for Morse, who was then
Muybridge's publisher. It is this painting that was apparently
photographed by Muybridge and published as "Occident
Photographed at Full Speed." Only the face of the driver is a
photographic print; it is carefully cut and pasted to the surface
of the canvas. X-ray and infra-red examination of the picture
show no photographic base for the rest.12 One is inclined to
believe that Muybridge has been caught out in a gigantic hoax
until one realizes that neither Stanford nor Muybridge was
primarily concerned with either the quality or the distribution
of the Muybridge photographs at the time. It was only required
that they serve as incontrovertible data for building a general
theory of locomotion on which Stanford could base a scientific
theory of animal training. Once the equine image was arrested
by instantaneous photography, the proof was in. Presentation
of the data was entrusted to the more familiar graphic
media — the drawing, the lithograph, the woodcut or the

painting as being more capable than the print of an

instantaneous photograph of rendering details. An outline
drawing on canvas of Abe Edgington, another of Stanford's
horses, exists in the Museum; it is an exact preliminary sketch
for a subsequent painting, also there.13 This suggests that the
images might have been traced onto the canvas by an artist
working from lantern-slide projections of Muybridge
photographs. These drawings could then have been submitted to
Stanford for approval of the image before the final painting was
undertaken. One is inclined to forget that reproductive printing
processes in the 1870s were highly limited, and that great
latitude was given to the artist to make up for this.
"Retouching" photographs was thought of not only as a
positive way to improve over the "accidents" of the camera,
but also as an elegant embellishment, an artistic additive to
photography. "Composite" photography, "moonlight" effects,
"cloud" effects and manipulative studio tricks of all kinds were
in common use, and were certainly practiced by Muybridge, as
we can see in some of his more dramatic landscape work.

Currier & Ives, Occident 1873

color lithograph, composition, 7% x 14% in.

Currier & Ives, Occident 1876

color lithograph, composition, I6V2 x 25 in.

SEC©

a« sUHiou Si 1 I. iir ■ s pnli<

Thomas Hill (1829-1908)

Palo Alto Spring 1878; oil on canvas, 86% x 138 in.

Stanford University Museum of Art, Stanford Collection

But of far more moment is the fact that, whatever others
thought of the Muybridge/Koch picture, Stanford himself was
satisfied with it. Again, it served his immediate purpose and
suggested other possibilities. In fact, we learn in 1877 that the
Stanford/Muyb ridge experiments are to be further extended:
"Mr. Muybridge intends to take a series of pictures, showing
the step of "Occident" at all the stages, and in this manner, for
the first time, the precise differences in the motions of
different horses can be clearly represented ... a matter of
much interest to horsemen, for trotters vary in their action, one
having his fore-leg straight when it touches the ground, another
crooked, and so on." 14

1878-1879: Analysis and Synthesis

By 1878, the Leland Stanford family had lived in their Nob
Hill mansion in San Francisco for at least a year, but much of
their time was spent at their country estate, Palo Alto, where
Stanford was developing his world-famous stock farm. It was
here, then, in the farmland thirty-five miles south of the city,
that Stanford and Muybridge projected a new full-scale
photographic study of the horse in motion. The method
adopted for the serial photographs at the Palo Alto Farm was a
practical elaboration of Rejlander's scheme of 1872/3, which
envisioned the use of a battery of cameras to illustrate the
varied positions of the animal's feet in a sequential series of
photographs.15 Twelve Scoville cameras had been ordered from
New York, and stereoscopic lenses for them were ordered from
Dallmeyer of London. [Muybridge's "testimonials" to the
quality of this equipment are given in Documents, A.]

Muybridge then prepared a "crude model" of his scheme for
photographing objects in motion and took it, at Stanford's
suggestion, to the chief engineer of the Central Pacific Railroad
Company, Mr. S. Montague, for help in converting the idea into
a workable mechanism. Mr. Montague then called in Mr. Arthur
Brown, who "had in his immediate supply skilled mechanics
and artisans of various kinds" at the car shops in Oakland,
requesting him to take charge of the matter in accordance with
Mr. Stanford's desires. Mr. Brown proposed to build the
required fast shutter mechanism with "some mechanical
contrivance to work automatically, as the horse passes along,by
levers or some means to set them off as it went along." Mr.
Brown then called in his assistant, Mr. John Isaacs, who
proposed electricity and "took an active part in getting up this

Topographical map showing Stanford's Stock Farm 1886

(the lower right corner of the detail is approximate north)

From a survey map prepared for Frederick Law Olmsted,

whose drawing for the campus of the proposed university

is seen in the lower left

Stanford University Museum of Art

Gift of the Committee for Art at Stanford

new apparatus." Isaacs made the working drawings, but the
practical electrical work, which was adapted to Muybridge's
crude model and built into the final working model, was done
by Mr. Paul Seiler of the California Electric Works in San
Francisco. Mr. Tiffany, of the San Francisco Telegraph Supply
Company, supplied the electromagnets. Thus, in a manner
comparable to scientific experimentation today, Muybridge's
idea was worked out on a practical level through the cooperation
of a group of specialists. Muybridge originated the idea, and
Isaacs suggested the application of electricity to carry it out. 16

By June the "motion-picture studio," constructed along the
south side of the Palo Alto Farm's one-mile training track, was
in full swing. In order to forestall the charge that the new
pictures were in any way "got up," several groups of interested
sportsmen and news reporters were invited, from time to time,
to view the proceedings. What they saw, on 15 June 1878, the
day of the initial demonstration, was a series of twelve
photographs that were taken in less than half a second while
Stanford's horse Abe Edgington was traveling in front of the
cameras at forty feet a second. The animal was photographed
against a wooden backdrop fifteen feet high and somewhat
wider than the studio's length. This was marked off, as
Muybridge wrote, "by vertical lines into spaces of twenty-one

inches, each space being consecutively numbered" for the
purpose of later analyzing the photographs and placing them in
series. Muybridge prepared and developed his plates on the
spot, and only a few minutes elapsed between each "take" and
the exhibition of his negatives. Visitors were fascinated by the
ingenuity of the electrical mechanism whereby the camera
shutters were released. In photographing the running horse,
threads were stretched across the track and connected so that
armatures would release the shutters when each thread was
broken as the horse went by. In photographing the trotting
horse, the wheels of the sulky traveled over wires laid across
the track to break the contact. This was the mechanism which
was suggested by Isaacs.17

In June, 1878, Muybridge filed application for letters patent
on a "Method and Apparatus for Photographing Objects in
Motion"; and in July for letters patent on an "Improvement in
the Method and Apparatus for Photographing Objects in
Motion." The patents, No. 212864 and No. 212865, were
granted to Muybridge on 4 March 1879, apparently with the
full knowledge and approval of Leland Stanford. [See
Documents, A, for diagrams that accompanied the patents.]

During the summer and fall of 1878, the principal equine

Camera and back of an electro-shutter 1878
Photograph B, Attitudes of Animals in Motion, 1881
Stanford University Museum of Art

Front of electro-shutters, with positions

of panels before, during and after exposure 1878

Photograph C, Attitudes of Animals in Motion, 1881

Muy bridge, The Palo Alto Stock Farm c. 1880
Photograph A, The Attitudes of Animals in Motion, 1881

^?SL -^t^ "^—Ez

"2^ 3&

Tbs Gallop, from "Tegetmeier on the P»ce» of the Ho

stars photographed were Stanford's Occident, Sallie Gardner,
Mahomet and Abe Edgington. Six photographic cards
illustrating these animals (in either six, eight or twelve
positions) were copyrighted and published by Muybridge in
1878 as The Horse in Motion. They achieved world-wide
distribution and world-wide fame. Popular consensus was that
the method now employed by Muybridge "precluded all
suspicion of mistakes, and ensured accuracy which could not be
questioned." Popular fancy was caught by "something so
complicated yet so simple and wonderful in the plan by which
the horse took his own picture!"18

During the year 1879, Muybridge increased to twenty-four
(with Stanford's full support) the number of cameras in the
studio. Other horses which were then photographed were
Nelson, Clyde, Dandee, Sharon, Gypsy (Leland Stanford Jr.'s
pony), Albany, Nimrod, Oakland Maid, Eros, Mohawk, Elaine,
Clay, Hattie, Florence, Phryne, Frankie, Maggie, Gilberta,
Vaquero, Riata, Electioneer and Lancaster. In addition, studies
were made of the locomotion of the ox, dog, bull, cow, deer,
goat and boar. In summary, animals were represented in the
actions of walking, ambling, cantering, pacing, trotting, running,
leaping, standing and hauling, and the result was a utilitarian
compendium of analytical, sequential photographs directly
fulfilling Stanford's request for new data on the nature of
animal locomotion.

In August, 1879, several athletes from the Olympic Club in
San Francisco came to Menlo Park at Stanford's invitation and
were photographed by Muybridge fencing, jumping, tumbling
and in "various classical groupings." By the end of 1879,
Muybridge had taken literally hundreds of instantaneous
pictures for Stanford, and Stanford had spent around $50,000 on
the project. But he was not yet finished.

On 18 December 1878, Professor Etienne-Jules Marey of the
College de France, author of La Machine Animale, 1873
(translated and published in English under the title Animal
Mechanism, 1874), which had spurred Stanford on to undertake
advanced photographic projects with Muybridge at the Palo
Alto Farm, sent a message to Muybridge. 19He begged
Muybridge's help in solving certain problems concerning the
flight of birds on which he was working. He also suggested that
Muybridge might utilize his photographs for the preparation of
zoetropes: "It would be animated zoology. So far as artists are
concerned, it would create a revolution." [For a discussion of
the exchange of information between Marey and Muybridge, see
"Marey, Muybridge and Meissonier". For the text of the letter,
see Documents, C]

Marey was only one of the many who had seen in the
sequential photographs of Muybridge the possibilitity of their
use in the zoetrope, the "philosophical toy" that adapted a
sequence of drawings to a paper band which was placed in a
rotating drum for viewing. When the drum was whirled, the
drawings, seen through slits in its upper edge, gave the illusion
of continuous, lifelike motion. By January, 1879, Emile
Duhousset wrote from Paris that he had adapted the Muybridge
photographs in an old phenakistoscope to good effect. The
journal L'lllustration, in which Duhousset's article was
published, was soon offering bands for the zoetrope of
silhouettes made from the Muybridge photographs, for 10
francs. In June, W.B. Tegetmeier of London wrote in The Field
that he had mounted the Muybridge pictures in a zoetrope with
satisfactory effect. Somewhat later, he offered bands for the
praxinoscope for sale under his own copyright. In July, Fairman
Rogers, of Philadelphia, writing in The Art Interchange, stated
that the painter Thomas Eakins "had plotted ... the successive
positions of the photographs and constructed, most ingeniously,

^^i* *s^fr ~^& n& Tit**

_^5__ *^5& *?2_ ^-^r *^y

- .

the trajectories" which were then adapted to bands for the
zoetrope. 20

1879: The Zoopraxiscope

We learn from Fairman Rogers's communication that Stanford
and Muybridge had utilized the zoetrope for the same purpose
early in 1879. Stanford had become interested in recreating the
illusion of movement for others when he riffled through a stack
of the Muybridge motion photographs and discovered the
stroboscopic effect for himself. At this time, Leland Stanford,
Jr., had an array of optical toys of different kinds, many of
which are still in existence, which could have suggested the

next steps a magic lantern, a stereoscope, several

chromotropes, a phenakistoscope and a zoetrope. Muybridge,
again working at Stanford's suggestion and with his blessing,
now developed his first viewer, a stereoscopic zoetrope based
on the Wheatstone principle, which he claimed to have adapted
from a model found in J.H. Pepper's Boy's Play book of Science,
published in London in 1854. This instrument has vanished
without a trace, but it was soon succeeded by an ingenious
second instrument, which Muybridge first called the
zoogyroscope, later, the zoopraxiscope, on which his fame as an
early exhibitor of motion pictures came to rest.

The zoopraxiscope combined a projecting lantern, rotating
glass disks on which a limited number of hand-painted
silhouettes (or, later, colored images), adapted from
Muybridge's sequential photographs, were drawn, and a
counter-rotating, slotted disk, geared to operate at equal speed,
which acted as a kind of shuttei and gave the effect of
intermittent movement, as in the phenakistoscope.

Send Stamp for 136 Page Catalogue of Magic Lanterns
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*1.00 per Series of 112 Pictures.

Iniost every one ha* r :ard of the startling instantaneous Photographs made by Prof. Mtrr-
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ATTITUDES OF ANIMALS IN MOTION,

■niprmilivcly few have had an opportunity of -eelng ihe wonderful resnlts of hie labor*.
,ir tin- pinpo-e nf enabling e\erv one to pariii -ipnie in these marvelous revelations of ihe
a, Mr Mi TBHim.K has- reproduced, bv photo-HthogTAphy, a "scries of 12 subject*, Ulna-
l' the nriLon .if ihe n-.r-e dining a walk, an amble, i slow trot, a fast trot, a rack or pace,
' \ leap over a hurdle , a Hound running, an Ox trotting, a Doer bounding.
:omprUing in all 15(1 figure-, These arc Photo-Hthograohed on t trips of
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with life-like accuracy The illo-lon Is perfect when placed in the Zoetrope or " Wheel of Life."
and there is the exact appearance of various motions, such as running, trotting, leaping bardies, etc

rx,:

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PUNCH, OR THE LONDON CHARIVARI.

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NEW ZOOPRAXISCOPIC VIEWS OF AN EMINENT ACTOR IN ACTION.
{By Our Own Zoopraxitcopist.)

The zoopraxiscope made its official debut at the Stanfords'
Palo Alto residence during a private party in the fall of 1879.21
According to Muybridge, the images it projected were accurate
enough for Stanford to identify each horse photographed from
the rhythm of the gait. [See Documents, E.] Public showings
throughout the next years justified the Alta's statement: "Mr.
Muybridge has laid the foundation of a new method of
entertaining the people, and we predict that his instantaneous,
photographic, magic-lantern zoetrope will make the rounds of
the civilized world." 22 Today one may still see Muybridge's
improved zoopraxiscope in Kingston-upon-Thames, Muybridge's
birthplace. It stands in lonely splendor, somber and regal, in its
glass case at the Borough Library. Of it, the British film
historian Will Day once said, "One looks upon it with
reverential awe!"

Muybridge was apparently not able to patent the
zoopraxiscope either in America, France or England. Thus he
was careful not to claim to be its inventor. He did claim it to
be the prototype for "synthetically demonstrating movement
analytically photographed from life." Certainly, it remained
the only commercially demonstrated motion-picture projector
in America for over a decade, or until Thomas Edison exhibited
his projecting apparatus, the Vitascope, in 1895.

1880—1882: Fame Abroad and its Consequences

Stanford had two further projects in mind in 1880. The first
was to sponsor the preparation of a substantial book on animal
locomotion based on the data of Muybridge's photographs. The

second was to sponsor exhibitions "before scientific bodies of
the East, England and Europe" utilizing the Muybridge
photographs and zoopraxiscope. To this end, Muybridge
prepared the pictures for publication, binding up sets of original
prints into a number of albums, which he titled The Attitudes
of Animals in Motion, and copyrighting them under his own
name in 1881. Albums were presented to Leland Stanford, and
some were later offered for sale abroad. Muybridge also worked
on his zoopraxiscope lectures in preparation for his appearances
before the various "art and scientific societies" Stanford would
select. Stanford had prepared the way for this in 1879, when
he visited Europe with his family to commission family
portraits from the French painters Bonnat and Meissonier.
Meissonier's interest in the Palo Alto experiments had
encouraged Stanford to invite Muybridge abroad, and to think
of bringing "the entire equipment of electro-photographic
apparatus to Europe and continue the experiments there.

;, 24

Eadweard Muybridge arrived in Paris in August, 1881. On
September 26th, Etienne-Jules Marey honored him at a
reception in his home, where the guests were both foreign and
French savants "whose names ranked high in the sciences."25
During the following months, Muybridge worked with Marey at
the "Physiological Station," sharing information about his
photographic procedures and experimenting for the first time
with the rapid gelatine dry-plate photography which he was
then to adopt. On 26 November 1881, the art world of Paris
was rallied to meet Muybridge, for Meissonier (who had
recently completed Stanford's portrait, into which he had
painted the Muybridge photographs) played host to
two-hundred guests representing "the most eminent artists,
scientists aid literati of the day. . ."

2 6

Stanford's name is nowhere mentioned in the guest lists.
When the Stanford family left Paris for America on the day of
the Meissonier reception, Muybridge "saw them off on the cars,"
and expressed the utmost concern over the Governor's poor
health. [See Documents, F.] At first, Stanford's name had been
mentioned regularly in the press as the enlightened patron who
had made Muybridge's work possible, but as time went on,
Muybridge himself became the popular and dominant figure,
and was lionized on his own account. This was particularly true
in England in 1882, where his lectures before the Royal
Institution and the Royal Academy, and the publicity attending
them, made him the most talked-about entertainer on two
continents.27

Stanford's collaborative relationship with Eadweard
Muybridge now underwent a decided change, and a series of
misunderstandings began between the two men which led to an
unreconcilable breach after almost a decade of productive work
together.

The Horse in Motion, the book in which Stanford expected
his findings on animal locomotion to be presented to the
public, appeared in 1882, while Muybridge was lecturing in
England. It was a handsome and richly illustrated quarto
volume, described on the title page as being by "J.D.B. Stillman,
A.M.,M.D." Muybridge's name did not appear on the title page.
A portion of Stanford's Preface was intended "to show the
exact part taken by each of those concerned in the
investigation." Here Muybridge found himself described as
having been "employed" by Leland Stanford. Furthermore, the
statement that he had written on the "method adopted" for
the Palo Alto experiments was relegated to the Appendix, and
was heavily edited by Stillman. Still worse must have been the
fact that only five of the over one-hundred illustrations were
direct reproductions of his photographs. The vast majority had
been reduced to silhouettes by pen and ink, then transferred
for printing to the lithographic stone.28

The blow to Muybridge's pride must have been enormous
when he found that Stanford had seen him as a mere technician
for the project, and that his personal contributions to The
Horse in Motion had consequently been distorted. He responded
with an open letter to Nature (London), in which he sought to
put the matter straight from his own point of view: "I invented
the means employed, submitted the result to Mr. Stanford, and
accomplished the work for his private publication, without
remuneration. I subsequently suggested, invented and patented
the more elaborate system of investigation, Mr. Stanford paying
the actual necessary disbursements, exclusive of the value of my
time, or my personal expenses. I patented the apparatus and
copyrighted the resulting photographs for my own exclusive
benefit. Upon the completion of the work, Mr. Stanford
presented me with the apparatus. Never having asked or received
any payment for the photographs, other than as mentioned, I
accepted this as a voluntary gift; the apparatus under my patents
being worthless to anyone but myself. These are the facts; and on
the basis of these I am preparing to assert my rights." 29

The opposite point of view was expressed by Dr. J.D.B.

Stillman (pioneer physician of California, and an early friend of
Stanford in Sacramento), who prepared the text for
publication: "With regard to the claims of Muybridge that the
illustrations in silhouette are an infringement of his copyright. I
have this to say that I can swear that they were all taken at the
order of Gov. Stanford who paid all the expenses, furnished all
the apparatus and material and Muybridge furnished me with all
the copies from which the plates were executed knowing that
they were to be used for the purpose to which they were to be
applied. He also furnished him with magic lanterns and
apparatus which he is now using to amuse the audiences in
England and the money he used to travel and exhibit the
movements of animals, and he imposed upon the Governor the
idea that he possessed the most delicate chemicals enabled to
produce the results when in fact he was far behind the times
and processes were in use for years far more delicate and which
he did not know of until he went to Europe."

A troublesome legal suit, Osgood vs. Muybridge
(Stanford's Boston publisher) was begun in the United States
Circuit Court, Massachusettes District, on 14 September 1882.
It was never brought to trial and was dismissed without
prejudice or costs. Muybridge then immediately commenced a
suit by attachment against Stanford, claiming $50,000 in
damages. Stanford then claimed that, being interested in the
study of animal locomotion, he had "solicited and employed"
Muybridge as an expert photographer; that he had, further,
employed "expert engineers, electricians, mechanics, assistants
and laborers to assist in the project; that to him personally
belonged "all the cameras, plates, paper, chemicals, machinery,
apparatus, appliances, models, subjects, skill and labor,"
including the skill and labor of Eadweard Muybridge.
Muybridge lost his second case. It was nonsuited by judgment
in a motion rendered on 13 February 1885. By this time,
Stanford's only son, Leland Jr., had died, and his and Mrs.
Stanford's abiding concern was to establish a university in his
memory. Muybridge was occupied with his work at the University
of Pennsylvania.

Stanford's last thoughts about Muybridge were written to
Stillman as follows: "I think the fame we have given him has
turned his head. . ."31 Stanford's last thoughts about The Horse
in Motion, which had a singularly bad time of it on the market,
were these, written to Stillman: "Don't allow the matters to
worry you. If the people don't buy the book it is their
misfortune as well as ours. As a money matter, if I am not

Muybridge, "Studies of Foreshortenings," Mahomet running 1879
print from wet-plate collodion glass negative
Photograph 145, Attitudes of Animals in Motion, 1881
Stanford University Museum of Art

"Illustrations of the Paces"

lithograph from Muybridge photograph

Plate LXXV, J.D.B. Stillman, The Horse in Motion, 1882

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries

called upon to pay more, it is of the past. . ."32

The history of the Stanford/Muybridge falling out is a subtle
one, largely disclosed by the depositions which were gathered in
1883 by Stanford's lawyers in preparation for contesting the
suit of attachment brought against Stanford by Muybridge. The
depositions and letters of Muybridge and others which will be
cited below, have recently been made available by the George
Arents Research Library of Syracuse University, where they
form part of the Collis P. Huntington Collection; they provide
many of the heretofore missing links in the history.

We know from the Huntington papers that in the 1870s,
Stanford and Muybridge grew to be close friends. Muybridge
used to call at Stanford's Palo Alto house in the evenings, "and
they would sit together sometimes for several hours talking and
discussing. . .even when he would come to town [Muybridge]
would call at the office and see Governor Stanford at any
time."33Business arrangements between them were quite loose.
Muybridge lived at the Farm and had all his personal and
professional expenses paid there without question. In fact,
under the superintendency of Mr. Dibblee Poett, Muybridge had
carte blanche. Muybridge never set a definite fee for his
professional services, expecting that Stanford would reward him
handsomely if he was pleased with the final results of the work.
Stanford, in turn, allowed Muybridge to copyright the
photographs in his own name and to take out patents in his
own name, saying that what he could earn from them was his.
At one point, Muybridge offered to turn all those copyrights
and patents over to Stanford, but the gesture was refused.

Perhaps the first upset in the relationship came when
Stanford announced that he had invited Dr. J.D.B. Stillman to
write The Horse in Motion. From the start, Muybridge had
difficulties with Stillman. The thirty-five page account of his
work at Palo Alto which Stillman had requested of him for
inclusion in the book was set aside as "ungrammatical,
redundant and full of hyperbole, which would make the whole
thing ridiculous just like that newspaper article published in the
Examiner. . ."^Muybridge wrote a short statement in place of
it, and even this Stillman subsequently altered to suit his
purposes without Muybridge 's knowledge or approval. In this
matter Frank Shay took sides with Stillman rather than with
Muybridge. Shay had replaced Poett as superintendent of Palo
Alto Farm, and under his regime things began to tighten up a
bit for Muybridge. For example, on Muybridge's departure for

Europe, Frank Shay and Ariel Lathrop fixed upon $2,000 as a
suitable amount to pay him for his several years of work for
Leland Stanford. This Muybridge accepted, but the amount
must have seemed shockingly little to him.

That Stanford and Muybridge remained friends even after
this incident we know from Muybridge's letter to Frank Shay
of November 28, 1881, cited above. We also know that
Muybridge had been unsuccessfully trying to interest Stanford
in supporting new photographic experiments abroad: "I have
been waiting the disposition of the Governor since the 1st Octr.
. . .1 believe he proposes to return next spring; by that time I
shall hope to be in full operation experimenting with new
subjects.

» 35

As it became apparent that Stanford was not picking up his
option to finance further experiments abroad, Muybridge
overplayed his hand, first by indicating to Shay that he would
shortly visit England "for the purpose of inducing some
wealthy gentleman (to whom I have letters of introduction) to
provide the necessary funds for pursuing and indeed completing
the investigation of animal motion. . ."36then by announcing
on December 23rd that "important events have transpired
which will render an extended residence in Paris necessary; and
at the same time relieve me of the anxiety under which, as you
well know, I have for a long time been existing."

The project as outlined by Muybridge (but never completed)
was for Meissonier, Marey, a "capitalist" friend of Meissonier's
and Muybridge to collaborate on "a new series of investigations
which I intend shall throw all those executed at Palo Alto
altogether in the shade. "38Governor Stanford was asked to join
in this project, but he evidently declined. Why join in a project
that would throw his Palo Alto project "altogether in the
shade"? The unfortunate wording of Muybridge's letter shows
that he was, on the one hand, angry with Leland Stanford for
undervaluing him; and, on the other hand, that he was painfully
reluctant to lose him as a patron: "one of the conditions of
the agreement is, that Meissonier is to have control of the
results, and that I shall assign to him my present American and
European copyrights and also those I make next season. In
consideration of which I shall receive payment for the times I
was working in connection with their production, and at my
ordinary rate of payment for work in California, this will of
course be quite a sum. M. Meissonier himself is not activated by
any selfish motives, neither do I suppose is his friend (who the

"friend" is I do not know) for he assures me he is very rich;
but I really believe and so does M. Meissonier it will be an
investment that will pay for itself, and very probably a
profitable one."

This playing off of Stanford against the competition of an
unknown "capitalist" brought only negative results. These
Muybridge felt in England in 1882 when The Horse In Motion
came out without his name on the title page as he had
expected. The suit of attachment which followed closed the
door on further Stanford/Muybridge collaboration.

The cruelest blow dealt Muybridge during the trial was
dealt by Stillman in a letter to Alfred Cohen, Stanford's
lawyer: "... I believe Muybridge to be a very unsafe and
unscrupulous man. If he does not wear hay on his horn he does
carry a pistol in his pocket and he did shoot a friend in the
back and plead insanity."40

One little-known fact about Dr. J.D.B. Stillman serves to put
his critical ability in perspective. In a careful reading of The
Horse in Motion made in November, 1882, by Wm. R. French,
brother of the American sculptor, Daniel Chester French,
twenty-seven errors were found in the plates; forty-nine errors
were found in the first four chapters alone. He thought that
"A person entirely unacquainted with anatomy could hardly
hope to find his way through the entaglements. . ." 41 Sartor
Resartus.

1882-1904: Further Studies and Retirement

While the Stanford years were Muybridge's years of creative
expansion, the years which followed were his years of greatest

Muybridge, Animals in Motion, 1899, p. 159

acclaim, both here and abroad. From 1882 to 1884, he was
heavily occupied as a public speaker in America. His topics
were: "The Attitudes of Animals in Motion," and "The
Romance and Reality of Animal Locomotion." Now came his
invitation to carry out an exacting program of camera research
at the University of Pennsylvania, where he worked during
1884 and 1885 with elaborate batteries of cameras to produce
the some 100,000 photographs of animals and the human figure
in motion which were published in the fall of 1887 as Animal
Locomotion.

This gigantic work, which is known today as his magnum
opus, led to subsequent lecture tours in America, Great Britain,
Germany, France, Italy and Switzerland. His lecture topic was
"The Science of Animal Locomotion in its Relation to Design in
Art." In 1893 Muybridge projected his pictures at the World's
Columbian Exposition in Chicago, and in a "motion picture
theatre" expressly built for that purpose. His Descriptive
Zob'praxography, or the Science of Animal Locomotion Made
Popular, was published by the University of Pennsylvania at this
time.

Around 1894, Eadweard Muybridge returned to England and
settled again in his birthplace, Kingston-upon-Thames. Between
1894 and 1896, he carried out busy lecture schedules in the
British Isles. In the fall of 1897, he completed negotiations
with the London firm of Chapman & Hall for the proper
publication of the two volumes in which he planned to
summarize his life's work: Animals in Motion (1899) and The
Human Figure in Motion (1901). His satisfaction in seeing these
two volumes of photographs in print, financially rewarding, and
within reach of students, scholars and artists, carried him along
for the next years in the glow of pride and comfortable
retirement. He prepared an enormous scrapbook of his press

'^W-'&T^'&'&'&.T&yk

ILHOl I Ills mm, up FROM ill 1 RESULTS OF till. PALO ALTO INVESTIGATION, [872-79, ALL OF WHICH RESEMBLE PHASES THAT HAVE BEEN, \l \\KUU

riMES, ADOPTED I5\ ARTISTS \- THEIR INTERPRETATION 01 1111 GALLOP OF 1111 HORSE.

Muybridge, Plate 489, Animal Locomotion 1887

Model No. 95, "an ex-athlete, aged about sixty. . . A, ascending incline;

B, ascending incline with 50-lb. dumb-bell; C, descending incline

D, descending incline with 50-lb. dumb-bell."

gravure print, 17 5/8 x 25 3/8 in., Stanford University Museum of Art

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A page from the scrapbook of clippings and leaflets that
Muybridge assembled during his retirement in Kingston-upon-Thames
256 numbered pages, 10% x 8% in., and many inserted pages
Central Library, Kingston-upon-Thames

clippings, which he bequeathed, along with his accumulation of
negatives, lantern slides, technical books and instruments, to the
Kingston Borough Library. He lived to see the advent of the
commercial motion picture, and with it, the rise of the
numerous claimants who said that they had "invented" the
cinema. Only once did he involve himself in this controversy. In
1897 he reminded the editor of the Camera Club Journal of the
fact that he had himself accomplished the synthesis of
instantaneously taken analytical photographs in the
zoopraxiscope as early as 1879; that Marey's "successful
obtainment of consecutive phases of motion with a single lens
upon a strip of sensitized material" (in 1882) represented, in
his opinion, the next stage of improvements; and that Edison's
"first application of a strip or ribbon containing a number of. . .
figures in a straight line (instead of being arranged on a large
glass disk), for lantern projection" (in 1893) was the final
bridge to the modern cinema.

He later made similar statements in the Prefaces to The
Horse in Motion and The Human Figure in Motion. With these
statements clearly made, and his own position in the
development of the study of motion put on record, Muybridge
withdrew from professional concerns entirely. He relinquished

his work with dignity and serenity, clear about the future:
"Science advances." He foresaw the story film, but wanted no
part in its commercial development. His aims had been artistic
and scientific. His means had been sufficient to them.

He took up the homely life of family, friends, reading and
gardening. At the time of his death in 1904, he was
constructing a scale model of the Great Lakes in his garden.

Muybridge's work remains one of the great monuments of
nineteenth-century artistic and scientific endeavor. Its prophetic
character still influences artists and scientists today. How
prophetic it was may perhaps best be seen in the prediction
which he made in Animals in Motion: in the not too distant
future, he wrote, "instruments will be constructed that will not
only reproduce visible actions simultaneously with audible
words, but an entire opera, with the gestures, facial expressions,
and songs of the performers, with all the accompanying music,
will be recorded and reproduced by an apparatus combining the
principles of the zoopraxiscope and the phonograph, for the
instruction and entertainment of an audience long after the
original participants have passed away. . ." 43

Notes

1. Business advertisement for "E. J. Muygridge, 113 Montgomery
Street and 163 Clay Street, San Francisco," c. 1858. The
California Historical Society, San Francisco.

2. The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. The
Bradley & Rulofson firm first published Muybridge's work in
1873. After his return from Central America in 1875,
Muybridge's publisher was Morse.

3. Helen Hunt Jackson, Bits of Travel at Home, Boston, 1886, p.
86. This is an anthology of the author's articles on travel in the
United States, which were serialized in Boston newspapers in
the 1870s. Portions published in 1872 are found in
Muybridge's Scrapbook at the Borough Library,
Kingston-upon-Thames, p. 9. For a description of the
scrapbook that he assembled toward the end of his life, see
illustration, p. 32.

Alta California (San Francisco), 30 August 1877. Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 19. Muybridge always gave Stanford full credit
for the idea of applying photography to the study of the horse
in motion, but not for the procedures developed to do it. The
so-called "bet" as a motivation for the experiments has, in the
writer's estimation, no bearing on the experimental work, and,
as a consequence, has been left out of the present discussion.
E. J. Muybridge, Animals in Motion, London, 1899. All
following brief Muybridge quotations whose source is not given
are from his Preface to this publication.
Alta California, 7 April 1873.

This episode in Muybridge's life has also, in the writer's
opinion, been overemphasized, in relation to his work,
particularly by Terry Ramsaye, in A Million and One Nights,
New York, 1926.

8. San Francisco Bulletin, 3 August 1877. Kingston Scrapbook, p.
19. This evidence that Muybridge had an inventive and
independently theoretical turn of mind is borne out also by a
series of mechanisms that he developed and often sought to
patent: 1) a plate-printing apparatus, 2) a washing machine, 3)
a sky-shade for landscape photography, 4) a method for
photographing objects in motion, 5) the zoopraxiscope, 6) a
pneumatic clock, 7 ) a picture-feeding device for magic lanterns.
He was apparently well-qualified to oversee and coordinate the
technical aspects of the Stanford /Muybridge research. [See
Documents, A.]

9. Alta California, 30 August 1877. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 19.
Quoted from Muybridge 's letter of 24 August to MacCrellish,
editor of the Alta.

10. Ibid. Quoted from MacCrellish 's comments.

11. San Francisco Evening Post, September 1877. Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 12.

12. For further discussion of this curious recent find at the
Stanford Museum, see "Catalogue and Notes on the Work."
There was certainly a photographic plate of Occident, quite
apart from Muybridge 's copy negative of the painting based
on that plate.

13. The Stanford Museum holds two canvases by P.R. Van Zandt
of Albany, New York: 1) a sketch of Abe Edgington,
"September 13, 1876 " (and on the stretcher, in pencil, "Oct.
3, 1876," which may have been the day of its receipt by
Stanford); 2) an oil painting of Edgington based on the sketch,
but with minor correction of position, "Feb. 1877."

14. San Francisco Evening Post, 3 August 1877. Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 17.

15. British Journal Photographic Almanac, 1872/1873, p. 115.
Rejlander's proposal was theoretical.

16. Depositions of Arthur Brown (18 July 1883), John D. Isaacs
(18 July 1883), and Frank Shay (23 July 1883) in the case
Stanford vs. Muybridge. The Collis P. Huntington Collection,
George Arents Research Library, Syracuse University. See also
Resources of California, August 1878. Kingston Scrapbook, p.
28. The name of John D. Isaacs, who was later said to have
"devised the electrical equipment" for the project, was never
publicly mentioned in contemporary sources. In the writer's
opinion, Isaacs's status was overestimated in the
"Semi-Centennial" celebration held at Stanford University in
1929.

17. Letter, John D. Isaacs to H. C. Peterson, curator of the
Stanford Museum, 15 February 1916. Stanford University
Archives. In his deposition, Isaacs had previously credited Mr.
Paul Seller with an alteration in the mechanism, which changed
it to "operate the release by making instead of breaking
contact. . ." Contemporary accounts are apt to connect the use
of electricity in the Stanford/Muybridge project to Stanford's

earlier experience with it when he drove the final spike for the
transcontinental railroad in 1869, and simultaneously
telegraphed the news to the world.

18. San Francisco Morn ing Call, 8 June 1878.

19. Marey 's letter to La Nature is dated 18 December 1878. It was
printed in the December 28th issue and appeared in English
translation as well in the San Francisco Morning Call, 23
February 1879. Muybridge responded to Marey in La Nature,
22 March 1879. [See Documents, C, for texts of the
exchange.]

20. The Art Interchange (Philadelphia), 9 July 1879. [See
Documents, D, for the full text.] Eakins' s use of Muybridge's
The Horse in Motion photographs in teaching at the
Pennsylvania Academy led to his later supporting the
University of Pennsylvania's invitation to Muybridge to
undertake further research there. Eakins and Muybridge
worked together for a brief period.

21. Cited in George T. Clark, Leland Stanford, War Governor of
California, Railroad Builder and Founder of Stanford
University, Stanford University Press, 1931, pp. 367-68. Mr.
Frank Shay dated the first private showing as July 1878, "with
quite a number of private exhibitions in Governor Stanford's
house in San Francisco following. . ." (Deposition of Frank
Shay, 23 July 1883). Shay, however, gave a wrong date for
another important event, and may also be inaccurate in this
case. [See introduction to Documents, E.] Another private
showing was held at the Stanfords' San Francisco residence on
20 January 1880 (Kingston Scrapbook, p. 57), nine days after
Muybridge photographed the solar eclipse at Palo Alto for
Leland Stanford. The first public performance, recorded in
several San Francisco newspapers, was on 4 May 1880 at the
chambers of the San Francisco Art Association. Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 58.

22. Alta California, 5 May 1880. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 58.
Muybridge successfully exhibited his motion pictures before
paying audiences from 1880 to 1897, when he retired from
photography to prepare Animals in Motion and The Human
Figure in Motion for publication.

23. Animals in Motion, p. 4. The zoopraxiscope was preceded by
various projecting machines,even projecting phenakistoscopes,
which were developed in both Europe and America. None of
these, however, used images "analytically photographed from
life," but only pre-posed sequences that did not require
instantaneous photography as a component.

24. San Francisco Examiner, 6 February 1881. [See Documents,
E.] Many San Francisco newspapers reported Stanford's
intention of carrying the results of the experiments abroad.
Kingston Scrapbook, p. 65.

25. Alta California, 16 November 1881. Kingston Scrapbook, p.
71.

26. The Marey reception: Le Globe, 27 September 1881. The
Meissonier reception: Figaro, 27 November 1881. [For an
excerpt from Le Globe, see Documents, I.] Kingston
Scrapbook, pp. 68, 71.

27. The British Journal of Photography for 17 March 1882
reports: "On Monday evening, at the Royal Institution,
Albemarle-street, the first public exhibition in this country
was given [by Muy bridge] in the presence of the Prince and
Princess of Wales, the Princesses Louise, Victoria and Maud,
the Duke of Edinburgh and suite, whilst among the leaders of
the scientific and literary world we recognized Professors
Tyndall, Huxley, Owen, and Gladstone, the Poet Laureate,
and many others.

"On Tuesday evening last, again, in the lecture room of the
Royal Academy, in the presence of Sir Frederick Leighton
and most of the Academicians and Associates and a large
number of guests, the exhibition was repeated, to the evident
satisfaction of all, as the hearty applause which greeted most
of the pictures testified." Kingston Scrapbook, p. 75.

28. J.D.B. Stillman, The Horse in Motion, Boston, 1882.
Muybridge claimed that before he left America, he had
approved a different title page, which included his name, and
that Stillman had assured him that the book was to be
"photographically illustrated." [For Stanford's Preface, see
Documents, F. For Muybridge 's claim, see Documents, H.]

29. Nature (London), 27 April 1882. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 83.
[For full text, see Documents, F.] Muybridge maintained the
position that he stated here throughout his lifetime. Always
an independent, he did not relish being called an employee.
The issue was resolved after Stanford's death in 1893, when
Muybridge assumed full rights to the pictures and
reestablished his public image by reproducing them
photographically as part of his Animals in Motion and The
Human Figure in Motion.

30. Letter, Stillman to the publisher, James Osgood & Co., 10
April 1882. Stanford University Archives. Stillman may have
been referring to the faster gelatine process, which was not
available when the Stanford/Muybridge experiments were
going on.

31. Letter, Stanford to Stillman, 23 October 1882. Stanford
University Archives. [For the full text, see Documents, F.]

32. Letter, Stanford to Stillman, 5 January 1883. Stanford
University Archives.

33. Deposition of Frank Shay, 23 July, 1883, in Stanford vs.
Muybridge. This deposition and depositions and letters cited
below are in the Huntington Collection, George Arents
Research Library, Syracuse University.

34. Deposition of J.D.B. Stillman, 7 August 1883. [See
Documents, E.]

35. Letter, Muybridge to Frank Shay, 28 November 1881. [The
matter can be followed in the material reprinted in
Documents, F.]

36. Ibid.

37. Letter, Muybridge to Frank Shay, 23 December 1881.

38. Ibid.

39. Ibid.

40. Letter, Stillman to Alfred A. Cohen, 25 July 1883.

41. William R. French, The Horse in Motion, Notes and
Criticisms, November, 1882. Manuscript, University of
Pennsylvania Library.

42. The Journal of the Camera Club, London, p. 190 ff. Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 196, ff. [For Muybridge's letter, dated 9
November 1897, see Documents, I.] Photography of motion
was not Muybridge's only interest after 1882. He continued
his landscape photography until the late 1890s. Many views
taken during this later period exist only in the form of
lantern slides at the Science Museum, London.

43. E. Muybridge, Animals in Motion, London, 1899, p. 5.

Robert Bartlett Haas is Director of Arts and Humanities
Extension, University of California at Los Angeles.
His biography, Muybridge, Man in Motion,
is forthcoming from the University of California Press

Uncut stereo view of the Stanford residence in Sacramento

Photographs by Muybridge, 1872-1880
Catalogue and Notes on the Work

Anita Ventura Mozley

1872

The Stanford Sacramento Home
twenty-three glass negatives, 6 x 10 in.

The negatives are in the collection of Stanford University
Archives. Prints from them have been made for the exhibition
by the photographer Ralph E. Talbert

In May, 1868, Muybridge announced that "Helios" was
prepared to accept commissions to photograph "Private
Residences, Views, Animals, Ships, etc., anywhere in the city,
or any portion of the Pacific Coast." The photographs of the
Leland Stanford home at Eighth and N Streets in Sacramento
are fairly typical of the work he did for the owners of large
homes or estates in Northern California: the exterior of the
house is shown, in views from varying distances; the
entranceway next; the foyer; then the rest of the interior, room
by room. Often members of the family sit for a portrait; the
grouping is an informal one, taken as it is among the subjects'
familiar surroundings. The really exceptional scene in this series
is that of Jane L. Stanford and her sister playing billiards, while
her son Leland sits watching. This photograph suggests a greater
intimacy between Muybridge and the family whose home he
was photographing than was usually the case.

Even in his "straight" coverage of the residence's interior,
Muybridge produces views more dramatic than the heavily
furnished rooms would seem to afford, for he often shoots
straight into the sunlit windows, and is obviously not bothered
by the effect this produces, as a more conventional
photographer would be.

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Jane L. Stanford, Leland Stanford, Jr., and
Mary Lathrop in the Stanfords' billiard room

Leland Stanford bought the Sacramento residence shortly after
being nominated in 1861 as the Republican (and pro-Union)
candidate for Governor. In 1871, he had the house raised, a
basement constructed and additions made, of which the front
entrance's grand stairway is the most notable. Muybridge's 1872
photographs of it are presently being studied by the
Sacramento Landmarks Commission, which is restoring the
Stanford Home to the condition it was in when the Stanford
family occupied it.

Valley of the Yosemite, Early Morning from Moonlight Rock B&R 2
Yosemite National Park Museum

1872

Views of the Valley of the Yosemite, The Sierra Nevada
Mountains and The Mariposa Grove of Mammoth Trees

Albumen prints from wet-plate collodion glass negatives

Fifty-one 18 x 22 in. views (Bradley & Rulofson catalogue
numbers 1-51).1 Titled and mounted on 22 x 26 in. tinted
boards

Thirty-six 5V2 x 8V2 in. views (B&R 4173-4208). Mounted on
boards 11 x 14 in.

Three-hundred and seventy-nine stereos, each frame 3 x 3V4 in.
(B&R 1131-1509). Mounted on cards for the steroscope

Published by Bradley & Rulofson, San Francisco, 1873

Prints from this series selected for the exhibition are from the
collections of the Yosemite National Park Museum, the Oakland
Museum and the Stanford University Museum of Art

The 1872 series of Yosemite views was Muybridge's first major
photographic work. He realized this himself: for the first
time he issued photographs under his own name, rather than
under the pseudonym "Helios." His publisher, Bradley &
Rulofson, advertised them as "the most perfect photographs
ever offered for public inspection," and were more justified in
the boast than is usually the case. The superiority of the 1872
series was acknowledged by the judges of landscape
photography at the Vienna Exhibition of 1873, who awarded
the Muybridge views the International Gold Medal for
Landscape. (Bradley & Rulofson was quick to capitalize upon
their prize-winning photographic artist; they thereafter added to
their stamp, which already carried medals for preeminence in
"San Francisco" and "The United States," the legend, "The
World.") And another example of high critical acclaim from
abroad is found in the regular monthly letter to the journal The
Philadelphia Photographer from Dr. Hermann Wilhelm Vogel, a
photographer himself, professor at the Berlin Technische
Hochschule, inventor, author and, later, teacher of Alfred
Stieglitz. 2 The following remarks on Muybridge's Yosemite
photographs appeared in The Photographer for February, 1874,
under the heading "German Correspondence":

"Two American novelties have recently attracted a good deal

of attention here; one of them, landscapes by Mr. Muybridge of
San Francisco. To the visitors of the Vienna Exhibition these
pictures were no novelties, but in Berlin, they were not
generally known, and the excellence and large size of the plates,
the brilliancy of tone, the happy selection of the objects,
excited general admiration.

"Landscapes of this size are the exception here, and the
thought that Muybridge, with his mammoth camera for plates
of twenty-two inches, climbed mountains, fills many a one with
admiration and respect. ..."

Muybridge had made his first trip to photograph Yosemite
Valley in 1867; he was the fourth photographer we know of
who ventured there.3 On his 1867 trip he had produced
seventy-two 6 x 8 in. views and one-hundred and fourteen
stereos. These are presently largely unknown and unstudied;
twenty of them are used as illustrations for the first guidebook
to the Valley, Yosemite: Its Wonders and Its Beauties, "by
John S. Hittlell, illustrated with Twenty Photographic Views
Taken by 'Helios' and a map of the Valley," San Francisco,
H.H. Bancroft, 1868.4 But the Hittell book is rare, and actually
affords little idea of the quality of Muybridge's photographs,
for the illustrations are copy reductions from the original 6x8
in. prints. Muybridge, as publisher of the mounted series of
contact prints from his 1867 negatives, had announced them as
the work of "Helios," and had declared that: "For artistic
effect, and careful manipulation, they are pronounced by all
the best landscape painters and photographers in the city to be
the most exquisite photographic views ever produced on this
coast." As with his 1872 series, contemporary comment then
bore him out. The Alta California for 17 February 1868 said:

"The views surpass in artistic excellence, anything that has
yet been published in San Francisco. . . .In some of the series,
we have just such cloud effects as we see in nature or
oil-painting, but almost never in a photograph."5

This was a comment also on the earlier cloudless Yosemite
photographs of Carleton E. Watkins, as well as a suggestion that
by 1867 Muybridge had in use a device of his invention called
"The Sky Shade" [see Documents, A], a shutter which allowed
for varying exposures on a single plate, both vertically and
horizontally, to compensate for the plate's difference in
sensitivity to different colors in the landscape. The sky's being so
particularly remarked in the Alta review indicates that it was
particularly effective; one can hardly imagine being in full grasp
of the splendor of Yosemite Valley under a cloudless sky.
Particularly, the "cloud effects" recommended Muybridge's

work as "more artistic" than that of his predecessors in the
Valley.

The Philadelphia Photographer for November, 1869, carried
an article on the results of Muybridge's first Yosemite trip
along with a print from one of the many negatives he sent to
the journal's editor, Edward L. Wilson. The description of the
difficulties of a photographic expedition to Yosemite Valley
should be kept in mind in considering all of Muybridge's later
expeditions with wet-plate gear; it is particularly relevant to the
1872 series, for which he used much large and heavier
equipment:6

"Through the kindness of Mr. Edward [sic] J. Muybridge,
San Francisco, California, who has loaned us the negatives, we
are enabled to present our readers with a view in the great
Yosemite Valley, California. . . . [The series of views] were
taken by the indefatigable and untiring 'Helios,' before the
great railroad belt that binds the Atlantic with the Pacific was
completed. They were also made by one with a true artist's eye
and feeling, and are therefore, precious, and as fine as precious.
To photograph in such a place is not ordinary work. It differs
somewhat from spending a few hours with the camera in
Fairmount [Philadelphia] or Central Park [New York City]. All
the traps, and appliances, and chemicals, and stores, and
provender, have to be got together, and then pack-mules
secured to carry the load, and drivers to have charge of them.
Thus accoutred, the photographer starts out, say, from San
Francisco, through hill and vale, across deep fords, over rugged
rocks, down steep inclines, and up gorgeous heights, for a
journey of one-hundred and fifty miles. Several days are thus
occupied, and several nights of rest are needed along the road.7

" 'Helios' has outdone all competitors. His views are grand,
and, as a photographer, he might vie with the great Wilson, of
Scotland. . . .

" 'Helios' hopes to go to the Valley again some time soon,
when he promises to secure us some more splendid subjects."

Muybridge's 1872 trip to the Valley and the surrounding high
country was far more ambitious, in size and variety of
equipment and in the number and range of views taken, than
that of 1867 had been. In a prospectus issued from Thomas
Houseworth's San Francisco studio in May, 1872, he made
public his plan for the series, which was already under way, and
sought further subscriptions:

"I am encouraged in this undertaking from the generally

expressed opinion, especially of our best Art Critics, that
although many carefully executed large-size photographs of our
scenery have already been published, yet the wonderful
improvement in the science of photographic manipulation, and
a judicious selection of points of view, with an aim at the
highest artistic treatment the subject affords, will result in a
more complete realization than has hitherto been accomplished
of the vast grandeur and pictorial beauty for which our State
and Coast have so worldwide a reputation. To those gentlemen
who are acquainted with my works, or with me personally, it
will be merely necessary for me to refer to the numerous
smaller photographs of my execution as an earnest of what may
be expected as the result of my anticipated labors, and to
remark that I have now an outfit of lenses and apparatus
superior to any other in the United States. . . .

"The size of my proposed negatives will be 20 x 24 inches,
and the prints about 18 x 22, of which subscribers for each one
hundred dollars subscribed will be entitled to select FORTY
from the whole series, to be printed and mounted upon India
tinted boards. . . .Receive the assurance that all my energies
shall be directed toward rendering this proposed series the most
acceptable photographic publication ever issued in the United
States, with the object of attracting attention to the
magnificent scenery of our own State and Coast in a manner
worthy of the theme."8

When the prospectus was issued, it carried in set type the
names of a number of outstanding businessmen, artists, and
photographers of San Francisco. On his own copy of the
prospectus, Muybridge added, in his own hand, the names of
additional subscribers, including the Pacific Mail Steamship
Company, and the Central Pacific and Union Pacific Railroads,
each of which subscribed $1,000, or the equivalent of ten sets
each. Although Leland Stanford is not listed as an individual
subscriber, he was then president of the Central Pacific, and
must have authorized the subscription. 9

Although the prospectus was not issued until May, by late
April, Muybridge had already produced a number of large views,
which he showed in Sacramento, in what must have been an
interlude of rest and subscription seeking. The Sacramento
Union for 26 April 1872 reports that:

"We had an opportunity of looking last evening at some
very fine large-sized photographic negatives representing some
of the most picturesque views of Yosemite Valley. . . . They
are the production of Edward [sic] Muybridge. . .10

Pi-Wi-Ack (Shower of Stars), "Vernal Fall" B&R 23
Oakland Museum

Yosemite Creek, Summit of the Falls at Low Water B&R 44
Oakland Museum

Ancient Glacier Channel, at Lake Tenaya B&R 47
Yosemite National Park Museum

The High Sierra, from Glacier Rock B&R 38
Yosemite National Park Museum

Muy bridge stayed in Sacramento briefly; by July, he was
back in Yosemite. It was during this brief stay that he may
have been in touch with Leland Stanford, and made the first
attempt to photograph Occident in motion.

Throughout the spring and summer, Muybridge took pictures
of Yosemite's meadows and waterfalls and the granite walls
that surround them. News of his photographic feats reached the
San Francisco newspapers. The Alta California for 7 April 1872
reported:

". . .he has waited several days in a neighborhood to get the
proper conditions of atmosphere for some of his views; he has
cut down trees by the score that interfered with the cameras
from the best point of sight;11 he had himself lowered by ropes
down precipices to establish his instruments in places where the
full beauty of the object to be photographed could be
transferred to the negative; he has gone to points where his
packers refused to follow him, and he has carried the apparatus
himself rather than to forego the picture on which he has set
his mind."

Muybridge returned to San Francisco from the Valley by
way of the High Sierra and the Mariposa Grove of Mammoth
Trees in the late fall of 1872. He spent the next five months
printing his negatives for Bradley & Rulofson, who had by this
time lured him away from Houseworth (the publisher from
whose studio he has issued his prospectus) with their superior
printing and mounting apparatus, [see Documents, A] . The
series was ready for publication in April, 1873; it brought
Muybridge over $20,000 in income, and the popular and critical
acclaim quoted above. From then onward, he was the
acknowledged leader of his profession in San Francisco.

What is there in the work produced on this great photographic
expedition that recommends it above that of Muybridge's
predecessors? Taken individually, the prints are richer in color
and more varied in tone than the work of Watkins, to whom
Muybridge is most often compared. The composition is more
dramatic, and the view more extensive. The first aspect was
governed by Muybridge's formulas, those for the collodion that
formed the light-sensitive coating for his glass plates, and for his
developer. In the days of wet-plate negatives, these formulas
were the personal equipment of every photographer; they varied
to suit the indivudal's purpose. There were no packaged goods.

The Philadelphia Photographer carries many different recipes
during these years for variations of individually worked-out
formulas that were suited to the various practices of the
photographers who submitted them. The second aspect, the
drama of composition, is an attribute of Muybridge's own
vision as a photographer. It is governed, of course, by the
wide-angle lens that he chose to use, which made the
backgrounds recede and the angle of vision expand to heighten
the view of the Valley of the Yosemite, a view that is dramatic
enough, just as the eye sees it.

As a series, seen most clearly in the large views, the
Muybridge photographs offer a coverage of the Valley, its upper
rim and the high glacial country surrounding it that had not
before been presented. Many of the new points of view from
which Muybridge took his photographs were available to him
because new trails had been built by 1872; earlier
photographers could not reach these viewpoints. Also,
Muybridge dared more, and pushed himself farther than anyone
before him had done. He was more ambitious; as Robert Haas
says in his preceding biography, he was "athletic." He moved
around the Valley's floor systematically, then covered the high
ground with unprecedented thoroughness. In following
Muybridge's work in the large views, the viewer moves with
him, and has recreated for him the motion of a trip around and
above the Yosemite Valley; it is a thorough photographic tour,
as well as a surpassingly beautiful one.

Muybridge carried all three of his different sized cameras on
this tour, making blA x 8V2 views and stereos as well as the large
views. As for the smaller views, and especially the numerous
stereos, they complement the large ones, and are often taken
from the same standpoint. One group of stereos, however,
offers a more intimate sense of the photographer's vision. They
are called "Yosemite Studies" (B&R 1408-1479), and in them
Muybridge concentrates on light and shadow, on reflections in
the Merced, the river that runs through the Valley, and on
individual trees and rock formations. These are comparable to
his earlier "Studies of Trees" and "Studies of Clouds" in their
focus on one feature of the whole landscape. In them, as in the
earlier "Studies," Muybridge made sketches, and identified
through his camera the smaller views that he used in the
composition of this major landscape work, the 18 x 22 in.
views of the Valley of the Yosemite, the High Sierra and the
Mariposa Grove of Mammoth Trees.

1873

The Modoc War

albumen prints from wet-plate collodion glass negatives

Thirty-one stereos, each frame 3 1/8x3 in. (B&R 1601-1631.)
Mounted on cards for the stereoscope

Published by Bradley & Rulofson, San Francisco, 1873

Stereos from the series selected for the exhibition are from the
collections of Robert B. Haas, Nancy and Beaumont Newhall
and the California Historical Society, San Francisco

From November, 1872, when a small group of Modoc Indians
moved, at gunpoint, from their settlement at Lost River,
Oregon, to the natural fortifications of the Lava Beds, until
June, 1873, fifty-two Modoc warriors held out against
one-thousand Army troops, seventy-eight Warm Spring Indian
Scouts, and a company of Oregon Volunteers. The band of
Modocs, under the leadership of Captain Jack, defied the
Government's telegraphed orders to the Oregon Indian Agent to
remove them to the reservation in Oregon, where a large
number of Modocs had lived since 1864 in submissive
proximity to their ancient enemies, the Klamath Indians. The
defeat of the rebellious Modocs was hastened by the defection
of four of their warriors to the Army; the history of the war is
one of betrayal and close-range murder on both sides. For the
Indians, the result of it was reprisal and submission to the
Government's demands.

Muybridge, in 1881 [see Documents, E], described his
coverage of this war, which was fought in the rocky caverns
and fissures of the Lava Beds, south of Tule Lake, near the
California border with Oregon:

". . . Mr. Muybridge was dispatched to the front during the
Modoc war, and the wide spread and accurate knowledge of the
topography of the memorable Lava Beds and the country
round-about, and of the personnel of he few Indians who, with
the bravery at least of the classic three hundred, defied and
fought the army of the Union, is due chiefly to the
innumerable and valuable photographs taken by him."

Muybridge's coverage of the war included photographs of
Army regulars, Warm Spring Indian Scouts, the wounded being

brought in after an engagement, panoramas of the Army camp
on the shores of Tule Lake, Modoc women who were taken
prisoner, and views of the Lava Beds after the removal of the
Indian. A photograph by him published as "A Modoc Brave"
was later identified as the Warm Spring Scout Loa-Kum Ar-nuk.
He claimed that he went as a Government photographer, and
copies of his photographs of the series are available from U.S.
National Archives. But he was accompanied by a correspondent
of the San Francisco Bulletin, and published his views through
Bradley & Rulofson, so it is possible that he went on an
independent commercial venture, as the English photographer
Robert Fenton, for instance, had gone to the Crimean War as a
pioneer photographer of war in 1855. 12

At least one other photographer was present at Tule Lake,
judging from scenes of the war reproduced as engravings in
Harper's Weekly and the Illustrated London News in June,
1873. Fifteen of the thirty-one Muybridge photographs were
reproduced in halftone in a book published in 1914 by the son
of Tobey (Modoc name, Wi-ne-ma) and Frank Riddle, who
served as interpreters at the ill-fated Peace Council of 11 April
1873. It is from this extraordinary volume, The Indian History
of the Modoc War, with its illustrations from the Muybridge
stereographs, that the bitter story of the Indians' months of
suicidal defiance of the vastly more powerful and numerous
Army forces can be fully gathered.

Opposite :

Warm Spring Indian Scouts in Camp B&R 1628
Collection Beaumont Newhall

"A Modoc Warrior on the War Path '
Collection Robert B. Haas

B&R 1626

Above :

Tule Lake, Camp South, from the Signal Station

B&R 1608-09

California Historical Society

The School for the Deaf and Blind, Berkeley. Built in 1868, destroyed by fire in 1875.
Brandenburg Album, p. 65; blA x 7 7/8 in.

1867-73

A West Coast Anthology: The Brandenburg Album of Bradley &
Rulofson "Celebrities" and Muybridge Photographs

Albumen prints from wet-plate collodion glass negatives of
portraits taken in Bradley & Rulofson's San Francisco studios,
and of copy photographs and views taken by Muybridge
between 1867 and 1873; 128 pp., 13 x IC/2 in.

84 studio portraits, 6 x 4 in. and full page

328 Muybridge photographs, from plates ranging from full stereo
(3V2 x 8V2 in.) to 20 x 24 in. (cut to fit the album page) 13

Original album, Collection Stanford University Museum of Art;
copy negatives and study prints, Collection California Historical
Society, San Francisco. Selections from the original album are
on view in the exhibition

This album is named in honor of Mr. Melford F. Brandenburg,
of Sebastopol, California, who rescued it from a second-hand
shop some twenty years ago. It contains engravings,

chromolitho prints and photographs studio portraits of actors

and actresses, singers and acrobats, taken by the various
photographic artists of Bradley & Rulofson's Gallery, and views
taken by Muybridge in and near San Francisco, on the Pacific
Coast, in Alaska, Utah, the Yosemite Valley, the High Sierra
and the Mariposa Grove between 1867 and 1873. There are
fifteen copy photographs of drawings, lithographs and
architectural plans also made by Muybridge.

This is, possibly, an album kept by Muybridge's wife, Flora
Stone Muybridge (d. 1875). This is conjecture, but the
inclusion of studio portraits of theater people, for whom she is
known to have had an affinity, along with the Muybridge views,
suggests the possibility. They were married in 1870 or 1871; she
is said by Robert Haas to have made the floral arrangements for
Bradley & Rulofson,14 so the prints would have been readily
available to her. In the spring of 1874, she bore a son whose
paternity was questioned. Muybridge murdered Major Henry
Larkyns, theater critic and man about town,15in October, 1874;

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Point Reyes, to the lighthouse
Brandenburg Album, p. 56

this separated him and his wife forever. The circumstances of
their lives correspond to those dates we can gather from the
photographs in the album.

The early date for the album is from a photograph on p.
147, C,16 which is a vignette of the same negative that appears
as photographs No. VI in J.S. Hittell's early guidebook [see
entry above on Muybridge's Yosemite photographs] . The date
of the latest photograph in the album is arrived at by
comparing Muybridge numbers, scratched in pen in the center
of a stereo negative, with the subjects. The set of stereo views
on p. 57, of the SS Costa Rica aground (numbers 1659, 1661
and 1657) were taken on or after 18 September 1873, when
the steamer foundered at the entrance to San Francisco Bay.17

Stereo views, Brandenburg Album, p. 104:

U.C. Berkeley;

"Falls of the Yosemite" B&R 1488

Temple Peaks, Monastery Valley B&R 1511

Yosemite Studies B&R 1456

A Bradley & Rulofson "Celebrity"

Uniform Peak, Monastery Valley B&R 1520

Tuolumne River B&R 1528

Yosemite Studies B&R 1408

Mount Dana from Tuolumne Meadows B&R 1524

Brandenburg Album, p. 67; 5J/4 x 8 1/8 in.

Brandenburg Album, p. 63; 5V2 x 8V4 in.

But these dates may be eventually superceded by a search of
the trade of the Vasco de Gama, which appears alongside a
wharf in photograph A, p. 129. The ship was built in Scotland
in 1873, and chartered by the Pacific Mail Steamship Company
in 1875. If she did not call at San Francisco before her charter,
then we must throw the above conjecture about the album's
maker overboard. Even so, another tantalizing question is
raised: Was this the ship that took Muybridge to Panama in
March of 1875?

Whatever the personal history of the album may be, it
contains most of the work in all sizes that Muybridge did
during these years. Of his documentary work, it is lacking "The
Missions of California," "The Modoc War" series, of spring
1873, and "The State Prison at San Quentin," which, according
to Muy bridge's numbering system, was produced immediately
after the views of the Costa Rica wreck.

The album, with its strange joining of the chosen celebrities
and the Muybridge landscape and other views (a grimacing actor
cheek-by-jowl with a Yosemite meadow), is a forceful portrait
of Northern California of the period: men gathering guano
on the Farallone Island rocks; Miss Ella Chapman posing for the
portrait that will be published on the cover of the latest song
hit, "Eureka" Clog Dance; a yacht race on San Francisco Bay;
the stuffed tigers and the conservatories at Woodward's
Gardens; an actor garbed for the role of Hercules; views of the
Point Bonita and Point Reyes lighthouses, of the "Eureka Cut
Between Shady Run and Alta, Looking West," and many of the
Yosemite series, including one of Muybridge himself, romping
in the snow on "The Ascent to Cloud's Rest."19 The album is,
as well, an extraordinary record of the work that Muybridge
did on the West Coast with both stereo and large-view cameras
up to his departure for Panama in March of 1875.

The portraits are given the central positions on the pages,
while the Muybridge prints are pasted in around them, out of
chronological order, not consistently related in subject, stereo
views cut in half and appearing on separate pages, and so on.
The large Yosemite views, which would not fit on the pages of
this "Scrapbook" are cut into details that would fit. The
Muybridge views also include single stereos, cut to 3!4 in.
square, uncut stereos, 3V& x 8V2 in. (varying in both
dimensions), and single views 6 x 9 in. (also varying slightly in
both dimensions). The prints are a warm, rich brown, which
can only be approximated today by toning. The paper is thin,
with a smooth, slightly gloss surface.

The studio portraits must correspond to those listed in
Bradley & Rulofson's Celebrity Catalogue, San Francisco, 1878, 18
in which the Gallery boasted that it held photographic
negatives of "everyone of any note that has visited California
since 1849." The list of notables appeared under the headings:
"The Federal Government, Hayes, Grant, Lincoln, Governors,
Congressmen, Mayors, Nobility, His Royal Majesty the King
Kalakaua, Hawaii, His Grace the Duke of Manchester, Italy,
India, Germany, France, Army & Navy, The Law, Clergy,
Masonic, Newspaper Fraternity, Scientists, Authors, Poets &
Lecturers, Mark Twain, Prof. Agassiz. . . Charles Dickens," etc.
But the maker of the Brandenburg Album omitted these
dignitaries, and chose to include only theater people, the
"Theatrical Managers & Agents, Actors & Actresses. . .
Acrobats, Magicians, Phrenologists, Spiritualists, Musicians."

The Ascent to Cloud's Rest B&R 1346

"Volcan Queszaltenango, " Guatemala

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries

1875

The Pacific Coast of Central America and Mexico, The Isthmus
of Panama; Guatamala; and the Cultivation and Shipment of
Coffee, Illustrated by Muybridge, San Francisco, 1876

Albumen prints from wet-plate collodion glass negatives

"Over two-hundred views," 6 x 9 in. (varying in both
dimensions), including twenty views of the coffee industry, a
"panorama of Guatamala; taken from Carmen Hill and
consisting of 11 views," and others20

Over one-hundred and twenty-five stereos
Stereographs published in Panama, 1877

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University
Libraries, holds two bound albums of 6 x 9 in. views, mounted
on tinted boards 9 3A x 13V4 in. Copy negatiyes and prints have
been made from selected prints in the albums by the
photographer Leo Holub. Stereographs from the Panama series
in the exhibition are from the collection of the Stanford
University Museum of Art

The Panama Star for 10 March 1875 is "pleased to welcome to
this city Mr. Muybridge," and further notes:

"We have no doubt Mr. Muybridge will find around Panama
many views worthy of his peculiar photographic talent, and
which will command a prominent place among the
extra-tropical landscapes with which he has already enriched art
galleries and expensive illustrated publications in the United
States.21

The views that Muybridge made of the ruined churches of
Old Panama, of the city's harbor, of landscapes near the coffee
plantations of Antiqua, and the half-clad workers bathing in
tropical streams, extend his reputation as an
"artist-photographer," already confirmed in his earlier series of
Yosemite and the High Sierra. Muybridge says in his prospectus
that the phtographs were "executed by instruction from the
Pacific Mail Steamship Company." While he bows to the stated

necessity of producing a series of views that would satisfy the
company's requirements, he clearly had his own goal:

"The object of the Company in having these views executed,
was to stimulate commercial intercourse, by exhibiting to the
Merchant and Capitalist in a convenient and popular manner
the ports, and facilities of commerce of a country which
presents such vast fields of profitable enterprize; and the
principal industries of a people with whom until recently we
have had comparatively little intercourse. And at the same time
to gratify the tourist and lovers of the picturesque with a
glimpse of the wonderfully beautiful scenes that have hitherto
remained unexplored."22

Muybridge offered subscribers one-hundred and twenty
photographs from the series for $100. Whether he had been
commissioned by the Pacific Mail was disputed in 1920 by Mr.
H.C. Peterson, Curator of the Stanford Museum,23 who also
gave then the following information about the dispersal of the
series:

". . .Muybridge had made up five bound sets of selected
views. One he gave to Mrs. Stanford, one to Frank Shay, for
many years [1879-1882] Sen. Stanford's private secretary, one
to Mr. Schrewin, Pres. of the P.M.S.S. Co., one to Prendergast
[W.W. Pendegast], and one to Mr. Johnston, the latter two
being the attorneys who defended him in the Larkyns affair.

"Mrs. Stanford's copy was destroyed in the S.F. Fire of
1906 [the earthquake of 18 April 1906 was followed by a fire

that destroyed the Stanford San Francisco home] the

Prendergast [Pendegast] copy has disappeared [now in the
California State Library at Sacramento], Mr. Schrewin's copy is
still in his possession [this may be the copy now in the
Museum of Modern Art, New York], ab is also the Johnston
copy in possession of Mr. Johnston [this is one of the copies at
Stanford].

"This copy was presented, at my suggestion, to Stanford
University by Mr. Frank Shay in 1915.

"The original negatives were destroyed by a fire a few weeks
after these albums were made. As a consequence, there exists
today but these four bound volumes . . .

The Johnston copy, inscribed to him by Muybridge, contains
fifty-nine mounted photographs; the Shay copy, from which
this inscription is quoted, contains one-hundred and forty-four,
including a photographic title page similar to the composite of
Muybridge views Bradley & Rulofson put out as an advertising
card in 1873. In both copies, the views are identified by

Ruins of "Church of Conception, " Antiqua

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries

Baranca at Las Nubes, Guatamala

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries

Cemetary, City of Guatamala

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries

Muybridge's handwritten titles beneath them

1877

The Central America series won Muybridge the gold medal
at the Eleventh Industrial Exhibition, San Francisco, 1876. The
jurors cited his previously known "judicious selection of
subjects, artistic taste and skillful manipulation" and said of the
photographs: "These last productions of his camera surpass all
his previous efforts, and their examination renders it difficult to
believe, that with our present knowledge and taste,
photography can make much further progress toward absolute
perfection.

The tropical landscape of Central America had not, by 1875,
been unexplored, as Muybridge claimed. Among the painters of
California landscape who had worked in the tropics by that
time was Norton Bush (1834-1894), an artist well-known to
Muybridge (Bush had subscribed to his early Yosemite series),
who was, in fact, in Peru by the fall of 1875, before
Muybridge's return to San Francisco in late November or
December of that year. 26 Bush had visited Panama in the fall of
1868, sketching the lakes and rivers of the country, and making
other studies which he developed into larger paintings when he
returned to California. His work in the tropics was so
well-known that when he returned in 1870 to New York, his
native state, and opened a studio in New York City, he was
known as "California' Tropical Painter."27

The point that Muybridge was making, though, was that
there had been little photographic representation of the tropics
available in San Francisco. In that tropical landscape, to which
he traveled immediately after his acquittal, Muybridge produced
photographs intensely romantic in mood; even those in the
so-called documentary series of the coffee industry convey the
strength of this strangeness of feeling; it is more than a
response to a landscape that was strange to the English-born
photographer. The inclusion of figures in the foreground is
more stated than in the Yosemite photographs, and the
manipulation of cloud effects and moonlight effects, especially
in the 6 x 9 in. views, more theatrical (more effective) than
that seen in his earlier work.

Panoramas of San Francisco from the California Street Hill

albumen prints from wet-plate collodion glass negatives

Two panoramas of eleven panels, each approximately 7 3/8
x 8 1/4 in., mounted on cloth and accordian-bound
between covers, the whole panorama 7 ft. 6 in. long.

One panorama of thirteen panels, each 20 1/2 x 16 in.,
mounted on cloth and accordian-bound between covers, the
whole panorama 17 ft. 4 in.

The thirteen-panel panorama in Rare Books and Special
Collections, Stanford University Libraries, was presented to
"Mrs. Leland Stanford, with compliments of the Artist, 1878."
It has been copied on 8 x 10 in. negatives by the photographer
Leo Holub and printed in its original size for the exhibition by
General Graphic Services of San Francisco

Early in January of 1877, Muybridge set up his camera on the
tower roof of the residence that Mark Hopkins was building at
the corner of California and Mason Streets in San Francisco to
record the city, its sweep of Bay and surrounding hills in a 360
degree view, the most complete panorama of San Francisco that
had ever been made. This was Muybridge's first published work
after his Panama series. In carrying it out, he again claimed San
Francisco as his photographic territory.

Muybridge had been interested in taking panoramic views
from the beginning of his photographic career. 29 A number of
his less ambitious San Francisco panoramas from the late 1860s
and early 1870s are found in the collection of Bancroft
Library, and a simple north, east, south and west series from
the roof of a three-story building is in the Collection of the
Wells Fargo History Room, San Francisco. He even made
panoramic views during the Modoc War, of the Army camp on
the shores of Tule Lake, "from the Signal Station." His Panama

Panels three though six of the thirteen-part panorama of San Francisco
Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries

photographs had included an eleven-panel panorama of
Guatamala, "taken from Carmen Hill."

The city offered a perfect site for a panoramic view.
Daguerreotypists had found it so in the days of the Gold Rush;
there are at least eight daguerreotype panoramas, of from two
to six panels, dating from 1850 to 1853.30The first view from
Nob Hill, Muybridge's vantage point, was taken in early 1851,
and the view from that point, as it was settled, soon became
favored over Rincon Point, which earlier daguerreotypists had
chosen. The Alta California, attempting to convey the enormity
of the scope of Muybridge's 1877 panorama used the analogy
of "a small ant wishing to get a comprehensive view of a
painted Japanese dinner plate," and climbing on a thimble to
do so. A sort of census report underscored the Alta's
appreciation of the Muybridge panorama ". . . it may safely be
said that the homes of more than quarter of a million people
within this saucer-like panorama, 50 miles long and 15 wide,
are distinctly visible from the corner of California and Mason
Streets, 381 feet above ordinary high tide.

„31

The thirteen-panel panorama was taken in the spring or early
summer of the year. Muybridge started at about 11 a.m., and,
probably with the help of an assistant, made each section in a
matter of fifteen minutes. The seventh panel from the left was
taken last; it is a second shot of a section that was not
successful on the first try. He used a 40-in., or near telephoto,
lens, which determined the number of 20 in. -wide glass
negatives needed to make the complete circle. He had chosen
the day for the execution of the panorama carefully; the
shadows are sharp, and the atmosphere clear.

A key, which names buildings worthy of particular note, was
published by Muybridge for the second eleven-part panorama.
Muybridge thus provided, by photographic and literal
documentation, the most comprehensive physical record that
exists of San Francisco in its "Golden Era," giving us a
knowledge of it as it would never be again after the earthquake
and fire of 18 April 1906.

1877

Copy photographs of paintings by Norton Bush

albumen prints from wet-plate collodion glass negatives

Twenty-one prints, 11 1/2 x 19 3/4 in., mounted on boards
18 x 26 in.

Published by Morse's Gallery, San Francisco, and exhibited at
the San Francisco Art Association Galleries, 1877

Copy Photograph of a painting of Occident by John Koch

albumen print from wet-plate collodion glass negative

4 x 8-1/2 in., mounted on a 5-1/4 x 8-1/2 in. card.

The example in the exhibition of the series of copy
photographs of Norton Bush's paintings of Peru, Mount Meiggs,
Andes of Peru (1876) is from the collection of Robert B. Haas.
The copy photograph of the Koch painting and the painting
itself are in the collection of the Stanford University Museum
of Art.

A substantial part of Muybridge's professional work was given
over to photographic copying — of architectural plans,
documents, drawings and paintings. There are fifteen copy
photographs in the Brandenburg Album from the years 1867 to
1873. Muybridge's advertising card for Bradley & Rulofson of
1873 was a copy of a collage of his own photographs combined
with studio portraits and type proofs, as was his introductory
page to the Central America album. (In his advertising card for
Pacific Rolling Mills, he had created a really photographic
collage, combining a photograph of the mill workers with an
arrangement of their product.)

In 1876 and early 1877 Muybridge put his skill in this line
at the service of the painter Norton Bush, copying the
twenty-one paintings Bush had produced from sketches made in

Peru in 1875.32 When the paintings were exhibited at the
galleries of the San Francisco Art Association in February of
1877, the Muybridge photographic copies were hung with them.
Bush made presentations of the copies of his paintings; Mount
Meiggs, in the exhibition, is inscribed by him to "W. C. Bartlett,
Esq., With compliments of the Artist."

The photographic copy of the painting of Occident by Morse's
retoucher John Koch33is another sort of work. Muybridge passed
it off as an "automatic electro-photograph." Upon its
publication, he announced in a letter to the Alta California that
it was "slightly retouched, in accordance with the best
photographic practice." The press received it, with one
exception (see "Eadweard Muybridge, 1830-1904"), as a
wonder in photography, and the judges of the Twelfth
Industrial Exhibition of 1877 awarded it a medal:

"E. J. Muybridge Instantaneous Photograph of the

Race-horse "Occident." The negative of this photograph was
executed for Hon. Leland Stanford, the owner, while the horse
was trotting at the rate of 2:40 [2:30 on the published card]
or about thirty-six feet in a second. As an illustration of the
marvelous resources of photography, this is a wonderful
production, the duration of the exposure having been less than
the one- thousandth part of a second [Muybridge claimed the
two-thousandth part of a second]. This can be determined with
tolerable accuracy by the fact that the whip in the hand of the
driver is as sharp as if photographed while motionless."34

The Stanford Museum holds the painting from which the
published photograph was copied. Examination of it by X-ray
and infra-red photography reveals no underlying photograph.
Only the face of the driver is a photograph, carefully trimmed
and affixed to the surface of the painting.

The copy photograph of the Koch painting, which we
assume to have been made from a lantern-slide projection of an
indistinct photograph by Muybridge, tells us several things
about the state of the Stanford/Muybridge study of animal
locomotion in 1877. The first, and most important, is that
Muybridge did not yet have lenses fast enough to take a
photograph that would satisfactorily record the horse in
motion. He was able at this time to catch an image that would
be accurate enough for Stanford to interpret, but would not be
acceptable to the public. He and Stanford were shortly to order
the lenses they needed for their work from the famous

: M-OTI

Muybridge's published photograph
The Koch painting of Occident

•*

lensmaker John Henry Dallmeyer (1830-1883), of London. We
also know that in publishing this copy print as an original
photograph for some reason Muybridge at this time abandoned
his often-stated demands upon himself as a technically superior
photographer. But most important, I believe, is that in 1877,
judging from the copyright of an "automatic
electro-photograph," Muybridge had in mind an electrically
triggered system for making successive instantaneous
photographs of Stanford's horses.

The year 1877 was evidently one in which Muybridge tried to
sustain himself by offering his skill as a copyist. In November
he offered to the Board of Supervisors of Santa Clara County,
in which some of Stanford's Palo Alto Farm was located, his
plan for copying the county records [See Documents, A]. He
had a precedent for this, in the copying by Vance's studio of
the documents in the 1858 land case, U.S. vs. Limantour, but
his suggestion that photographic duplicates be made in several
copies of more-or-less routine documents seems, ninety-five
years later, an advanced notion.

Muy bridge's copy of Norton Bush's painting

1878

The Stanford San Francisco Home Album

albumen prints from wet-plate collodion glass negatives

Forty-one 5 1/2 x 9 in. views, including a seven-part panorama
of San Francisco, mounted on boards 7 x 10 1/2 in., bound in
leather and stamped "Mrs. Leland Stanford"

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University
Libraries, holds the bound album of prints. Stanford University
Archives holds sixty-five 6 x 10 in. negatives from which the
photographer Leo Holub made the prints selected for the
exhibition.

The offices of the Central Pacific Railroad had been
moved from Sacramento to San Francisco in 1873, but the
Stanfords' Italianate residence on Nob Hill was not completed
until 1876. Presumably the photographs were taken late in
that year for Mrs. Stanford's personal use. The house was built
on a lot shared with Mark Hopkins, on the summit of the
California Street Hill, 381 feet above the level of the Bay, a
pinnacle for the wealthy. Leland Stanford, in an interview given
to the San Francisco Chronicle for 19 May 1875, "pointed in
the direction of his mansion, now being erected upon the
heights of California street, and said . . .'I shall hope to live to
sit upon yonder balcony and look down upon a city embracing
in itself and its suburbs a million of people ... I shall see cars
from the city of Mexico, and trains laden with the gold and
silver bullion and grain that comes from Sonora and Chihuahua
on the south and from Washington Territory and Oregon on the
north ... I shall look out through the Golden Gate and I shall
see fleets of ocean steamers bearing the trade of India, the
commerce of Asia, the traffic of the islands of the ocean. . .'"

The architecture and the furnishings of the residence were
appropriate to such a commanding view. The photographs in
the Stanford album, like those in the similar album in Rare
Books and Special Collections of the San Francisco Public
Library, are titled in Mrs. Stanford's hand, and so we know
that her sitting room was "furnished in purple and gold satin,"
and that it contained "a Statue of Mercury in bronze."

Stanford residence in San Francisco, the Painting Gallery

None of the Stanford family appears in either formal or
informal groupings, as they did in the earlier Sacramento home
photographs. Instead, the Stanford's growing collection of
painting and sculpture is emphasized, and the views are taken
to record their increasingly realized taste in decorative and fine
art, a taste that was later to be expressed in the building of
Stanford University, especially in its Museum and Memorial
Church. There is the rotunda, with its amber glass skylight,
from which mosaics of Asia, America, Africa and Europe peer
down from their semicircles to the second floor hall; the
Pompeian Room; the large circular mosaic of the signs of the
zodiac in the entrance hall, with the marble statues of Morning
and Evening beyond; and particularly, there is the "Picture
Gallery," with one of the Stanfords' recent purchases, a
large landscape by William Keith, Upper Kern River (1876), on
prominent display. (This painting, now in the collection of the
Stanford University Museum, was removed to the Museum in
1891, and so was not destroyed in the fire that followed the
earthquake of 18 April 1906.)

Muybridge made a seven-part panorama of the city front
from an upper balcony of the home, which commanded a view
of the Bay of about 180 degrees. Mrs. Stanford's inscription
under one of the views taken from her hilltop vantage point
personalizes the photograph: "Western view, the Pacific Ocean
beyond the mountains, with Fog coming in."

Stanford residence, the Pompeian Room

1878-79

The Horse in Motion

albumen prints from wet-plate collodion negatives

"Automatic Electro-Photograph, copyright 1878,
by Muybridge"

"Each series is mounted on a card,
and illustrates a single stride."

$2.50 for the series of six cards.

Each photograph, 4x8 1/4 in. mounted on titled cards, with

analysis of the stride on the reverse of each

Published by Morse's Gallery, San Francisco

The set includes:

Abe Edgington trotting at 8 minute gait, 11 June 1878
8 positions. Intervals: 1/25 sec, 21 in. Exposure not known

Abe Edgington trotting at 2:24 gait, 15 June 1878

12 positions. Intervals: 1/25 sec, 21 in. Exposure "about 1/2000

of a second"

Mahomet cantering at 8 min. gait, 18 June 1878
6 positions. Intervals: 1/25 sec, 21 in. Exposure
of a second"

'about 1/2000

Sallie Gardner running at 1 :40 gait, 19 June 1878

11 positions. Intervals 1/25 sec, 27 in. Exposure "minus 1/2000
of a second." Retouched

Occident trotting at 2:20 gait, 20 June 1878

12 positions. Intervals: 1/25 sec, 21 in. Exposure "about
1/2000 of a second."

Abe Edgington walking at 15 min. gait, n.d.
6 positions. Intervals: 1/25 sec, 21 in.

Four of the cards in the set are in the collection of the
Stanford University Museum of Art, and are shown in the
exhibition. The Museum also holds lantern slides made from the
negatives of these and other motion studies Muybridge made in
1878 and 1879

Th e ff

O RS E IN

Illustrated by

MORSE'S Gallery, 417 Montgomery St., San Francisco.

OT I O N

Patent for apparatus applied for. MUYBRIDGE. Automatic ELECTRO-PH01 OGRAPH.

' ABE EDGINGTON," owned by LELAND STANFORD ; driven by C. MARVIN, trotting at a 2:24 gait over the Palo Alto track, 15th June.1878.

/3<7Zf

The negatives of these photographs were made at intervals of about the twenty-fifth part of a second of time and twenty-one inches of disti ; thi exposure oi each was about the two-thousandth

part of a second, and illustrate one single stride of the horse. '1 he vertical lines were placed twenty-one inches ..part ; the lowest horizontal line represents the level of the track,

the others ele

iht and twelve inches respei th ely. The negatii

itlrely "untouched."

Stanford University Museum of Art

"AB

E EDGINGTON," owned by DELANO STANFORD; driven by C. MARVIN, trotting at a 2:24 gait over the Palo Alto track, 15th June 1878.

In any series of photographs from life, illustrating the progressiva action of a horse,
the first position must necessarily be entirely accidental; the other-, if in regular
sequence, are contingent thereto.

Fig. 1.— In the present series " ISE EDGINGTON" happened to be opposite the first
Camera, as represented in Fig 1, with Ins left foreleg in Space 7, and right hind leg in
Space i, in nearly vertical positions, both pasterns are much bent, being nearly parallel
with the ground. This position of the pasterns seems necessary to enable the horse to
carry his body at an uniform height from the ground, and thus to attain the greatest
possible speed, without any loss of power or time by upward and downward motions.
The right fore and left hind legs are well bent, and in the act of being thrust forward

PlG. 2. —The horse is exerting his greatest propulsive force, by the action of the
muscles of the right hind leg. and the straightening of the pastern of the left fore
leg; the right fore arm is horizontal, and the knee well bent, to enable him to reach
out and strike the ground at the greatest possible distance.

Fie. 3.— The left fore foot has left the ground, and t-he last impulse is being given
by the straightening of the pastern of the right hind leg.

Fir;. 4.— The right fore foot is reaching out. and the left, which had left the ground,
in Space 7, Fw,. 3, is now well doubled up, in Space 9. The right hind foot, which seems
to have left the ground, in Space ■">, simultaneously with the exposure of the last
picture, is now elevated Hi inches, and the horse is literally (lying in mid-air.

Fi<;. 5.— The serial flight is continued. The pastern of the right hind leg continues
much Pent, at the same elevation as in Fig. I. The left forefoot nearly strikes the
bre.t- , while the right leg is perfectly straight, with the foot stretched out to strike the
groun 1 as far forward as possible.

Fi<>. ©. — The right fore foot and left hind foot are now upon the ground, and in
nearly the same position as were the left fore foot and right hind foot in Fig. 1. 'This
completes about one-half of the stride. The right fore font and left hind foot remain
on the ground as long as the horse can swing himself forward on their leverage, as
shown in Figs. 1 and 2, H and 7.

Fig. '7.— The horse, with a reversal of the position of his legs, repeats the same
movements, as shown in Fig. 2 : the left fore foot is now raised some 24 inches above
the ground, and the horse is repeating his motion of the straightening of the pastern
of the right fore leg, while the left hind pastern is nearly horizontal.

Fig. 8.— The right fore foot has now left the ground, and the left hind leg is repeat-
ing the movement of the right, as seen in Fig. 3.

FlG. 9.— The horse is again in mid-air. and con: nues so in Fig. 10.

FlG, 11.— The left forefoot, which left the ground in Space 7, at a time interven-
ing between Figs. 2 and A. has now again struck the ground in Space IN, but the leg
has scarcely resumed its original vertical position. The right fore foot, which is just
visible in Space 7, Fig. 1, is shaded by the left fore leg in Space 17. The right hind
foot, which left the ground, in Space 5, in the interval of Figs. 3 and 4, now touches in
Space lti, both pasterns, as before, are much bent.

FlG. 1-S.— The horse has moved slightly beyond the position shown in Fig. 1. The
right fore leg is thrust more forward, and the left has passed beyond the vertical. The
dark spot in front of th« left fore foot is the shadow of the right fore leg. It is now
seen the horse has completed something more than one full stride.

By an analysis of this stride, it will be seen that the left fore foot which left the ground
at Space 7, in the interval of Figs. 2 and 3. again strikes in Space 1H. between Figs. 10 and
11; and the right bind foot almost immediately following, in Space 6, Fig. 3, again
strikes in Space IH, Fig. 11. As the two feet, which move in unison, seem to strike the
ground at the same instant, (see Figs, h and 10.) the fore leg being the shorter, must ne-
cessarily be raised first, and is off the ground for a longer time and distance than the
hind leg, as shown in Figs. 3 and H, where both for* feet and one hind foot is lifted,
and the final propulsive force being exercised by the straightening of the pastern of one
of the hind legs. The left fore foot was therefore entirely clear of the ground for a dis-
tance of about 8 spaces of 21 inches, or 14 feet, and the right hind foot, nearly as far.
The right fore foot and left hind foot corresponding in their action, were, of course,
clear, for a similar distance. The eye of the horse which, in Fig. 1, is intersected by the
line between Spaces X and 9 is, in Fig. 11, where the stride is nearly completed, inter-
sected by the line between spaces IK and 19, at a distance of ID spaces, of 21 inches each.
Allow 12 inches for the horse to attain the same position as when he started, and we
have IsU feet, the length of the stride, by actual measurement. As each two fore feet
were in the air while the horse was making a progress of 14 feet, and rested only during
the remaining 41* feet, completing the stride; and the two hind feet were each, for a
very brief interval, on the ground alone, it would appear that a horse with this stride,
moving at this speed, is entirely in the air about one-half of the distance; and for a brief
interval of the other half, lie has one foot idone upon the ground. The relative time that
a horse is on and off the ground is probably dependent upon his length of limb and
stride, and rate of speed.

/ViUYBRJDGE,
N0f3fz<?AceeS9ifln No. £^A N DSC A PE AND ANIMAL' PHOTOGRAPHER,

<7^^_ C . & - ~F~<*^6u<^^do - MORSE'S GALLERY, 417 Montgomery Street, San Francisco, California.

OFFICIAL'r^MO^GSRWPHER U. S. GOVT. GRAND PRIZE MEDALIST, VIENNA, 1873.

INVENTOR AND PATENTEE IN THE UNITEO STATES, ENGLAND, FRANCE, ETC.

OF 1 in-
Automatic Electro- Photographic Apparatus.

The following photographs are now published: "Oeei'imt" trotting at a 2:20 gait. 12 positions. " Edgin</ion" trotting at a 2:2) gait, 12 positions. " Edqtngtm " trotting at an 8
minute gait, 8 positions. *' Edgiagton" walking at a li minute gait, 6 posit! 01s. ■ 1///,,,.,, (•' cantering, ti positions. "Sallk Gardner" running at a 1 :4l> gait. 11 positions. Each series
is mounted on a card, and illustrates a single stride. Tliey will he sent to any part of the world in registered letter, free of postage, upon receipt of $2.50 for each series.

Arrangements made for I'liotoyraphimj and Recording t! ■•rtton of Horses in motion, in (Wit/ part of the Worldi

The reverse of the Edgington card

In June of 1878, the Stanford/Muybridge photographic study
of animal locomotion really got off the ground. In 1877 faster
lenses had been ordered from Dallmeyer of London, and twelve
Scoville cameras from the manufacturer in New York.
Muybridge had, he said, achieved faster chemical solutions. His
earlier attempts to regulate the camera shutter mechanically
were not successful, and a set-up that used electricity to trip
the shutters had been devised. The following quotation from an
article in the San Francisco Morning Call, a piece of writing
which sounds very much like Muybridge's own [compare the
style with Documents, E], gives the history:

"His [Muybridge's] first endeavor was to open the slide of
the camera by hand as the horse went by, but this was too
slow to give a clear picture; and then a machine was made
which would run at a regular rate, and which could be graded
to the speed of the horse. This was a very ingenious
contrivance, in appearance between a clock and a music box,
but the difficulty was to regulate the horse with the machine. .
.This machine had to be started by hand, so that there were
two uncertain elements to interfere. Could electricity be used,
and the current be controlled exactly at the right moment, the
difficulty would be overcome. When Governor Stanford drove
the last spike which connected the Union and. Central Pacific
Railways, and in a figurative sense united the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans, though the broadest part of the continent
intervened, the blow of the hammer was echoed by a salvo of
artillery from the shores of the bay. The act itself was the
herald which announced the completion of the great design;
and, surely, if it could thus be drove across mountains and
valleys, the same agency would solve this portion of the
problem. But it required a large outlay to perfect the
machinery, and involved the sending for a portion of the work
from England. It also required time; but the idea, once
entertained, could not be abandoned, and the delay only
intensined [sic] the purpose to carry it to A Successful
Termination." 35

By June, the electrical apparatus was ready. On June 15th,
representatives of newspapers and journals, of the world of art
and of sports were invited to Palo Alto Farm to witness
successive exposures being made of Abe Edginton trotting and
Sallie Gardner running, and to see the results, developed on the
spot. The California Rural Press for 22 June described the
setup:

"On one side of the track a large screen is placed, and set at
an angle of about 20 degrees from the perpendicular, the screen

being covered with white cloth and having vertical lines formed
across it 21 inches apart, which show black against the white
cloth. The spaces between these lines are numbered from one
to twenty in conspicuous black figures at the top. At the
bottom is another low white screen with horizontal lines four
inches apart, to show the height of the horse's feet above the
ground. Powdered lime was sifted over the track in front of the
screen so as to make a perfectly smooth white surface, over
which the horse was driven. On the opposite side of the track
from the screen a low shed was erected, open in front, and on
a bench or table were placed 12 cameras, numbered in order, so
as to take 12 views 21 inches apart. These cameras were ...
constructed with an improved double slide, so that exposure
could be cut off instantly, one slide moving each way across the
lens. The slides were held open by a catch connected with an
armature in the side of the camera. A battery of eight jars was
placed in the shed and each camera had an independent set of
wires. These wires were led across the track under the ground
until within two feet of the background or screen, where they
were raised so that one of the sulky wheels would pass over
and strike them. The wires corresponded with the vertical lines
on the background, and as the sulky wheel passed over the
wires the armature holding the catch of each separate
instrument released the catch and the slides cut off the
exposure of the camera at the instant, so that the photograph
was taken without any blur. As the wheel passed over the
different wires the different pictures were taken, each 21 inches
apart, illustrating perfectly the stride of the horse. ... In
photographing a running horse, the wires could not be used in
the same way for manifest reasons. Fine black threads were
placed across the track, 21 inches apart, and connected so that
the armatures would release the slides as before."36

As for the success of the photographs, the Press reporter
added: "They show . . . the gait of the horse exactly, and in a
manner before impossible. A long description even would be
unintelligible, while the photographs show the whole stride at a
glance."

The eyewitness accounts were carried in the local press, and on
27 July 1878, copied in a brief note in Scientific American. By
October, this journal had received prints of the photographs,
and reproduced them on the cover of its 19 October issue. The
spread of their fame can be followed thereafter in "Marey,
Muybridge and Meissonier," p.85.

Within two weeks after the initial public demonstration,
Muybridge applied for his patent on the apparatus, and by July
was already on the lecture circuit with lantern slides of the
horse in motion, showing his photographs of the horse with his
earlier ones of Yosemite and Central America. In Sacramento,
in September, J.M. Hutchings accompanied him, describing the
views of Yosemite. At these lectures, in which he projected
sixty illuminated photographs, life-size, showing the action of
the horse's various gaits, "Mr. Muybridge showed himself to be
a clever and lucid lecturer on a very difficult subject. . ."37 At
the Mechanics' Fair, in San Francisco, in August, he explained
"briefly the various pictures as they pass in quick succession
before the gaze of the observer. . . . Many of the theories
concerning rapid motion are dispelled into very thin air by
these photographs. The action of the trotter in motion as
caught by the camera is very different to what the artist usually
makes him appear on canvas. Not since the time of the
Egyptians, as Mr. Muybridge remarks, has the animal been
delineated as he appeared in these negatives. . ,"38

In the interval between the high summer experiments of 1878
and those of 1879, Muybridge and Stanford ordered twelve
more cameras, and expanded the experimental setup to
accommodate them. In November of 1878, the Alta California
had reported that the instantaneous pictures had "called out a
number of letters from artists, anatomists, horse-fanciers and

others, all expressing the hope that other pictures of a similar
character will be taken. A lecturer on anatomy in an art school
wants a series showing the changes in the position of the
muscles while running, thus supplying a great want of art
students. The movements of the muscles while boxing, or in
any violent exertion, can thus be obtained with precision, and
in no other method."39

The experiments of summer 1879 included animals other
than the horse, and, in August, man entered Muybridge's
motion-picture stage. Stanford invited members of the Olympic
Club of San Francisco to perform before Muybridge's cameras,
and among the successful results was a series of fourteen
photographs of Mr. Lawton turning a back somersault. The
Chronicle for 9 August 1879 also reported the use Stanford
intended to make of some of the photographs of athletes:

"After the athletic performances several photographs were
taken of the athletes in various classic groupings. Governor
Stanford will have each negative worked up to a cabinet-size
photograph, and take one of each with him to Europe, where
he will have two life-size oil paintings made of each.

.40

By the end of the experimental period of 1879, Muybridge
had also expanded his method to take synchronized views of
both men and horses from four and five different camera
positions, a technique that was basic to his later work at the
University of Pennsylvania.

"General View of the Experiment Track"
Photograph F, Attitudes of Animals in Motion,
Stanford University Museum of Art

1881

1879

The Zoopraxiscope

Muybridge's original machine for projecting in motion his
instantaneous photographs is in the Central Library,
Kingston-upon-Thames. A replica of it is in the Science Museum,
London, and a working zoopraxiscope, in which the mechanics,
but not the finishing materials, were copied, is in the International
Museum of Photography, George Eastman House, Rochester,
New York.

The copy in the exhibition, from the collection of the Stanford
University Museum of Art, was made by the design engineer
David Beach from Muybridge's description of his machine,
quoted below, and from photographs of the original
zoopraxiscope at Kingston-upon-Thames.41

It is probable that Stanford and Muybridge intended to
synthesize the analytical photographs even before an
experimental method for taking them had been devised. In
1877, they ordered twelve cameras for the study; a zoetrope
with thirteen slots uses twelve images to convey forward
motion.42 The use of drawings of the correct successive
positions of human locomotion for zoetrope bands had been
suggested by Etienne-Jules Marey in 1873:

"Every one knows the ingenious optical instrument invented
by Plateau, and called by him 'Phenakistoscope.' This
instrument, which is also known by the name of Zootrope,43
presents to the eye a series of successive images of persons or
animals represented in various attitudes. When these attitudes
are co-ordinated so as to bring before the eye all the phases of
a movement, the illusion is complete; we seem to see living
persons moving in different ways. This instrument, usually
constructed for the amusement of children, generally represents
grotesque or fantastic figures moving in a ridiculous manner.
But it has occurred to us that, by depicting on the apparatus
figures constructed with care, and representing faithfully the
successive attitudes of the body during walking, running, etc.,
we might reproduce the appearance of the different kinds of
progression employed by man."44

Stanford, according to Muybridge, had read Marey's Animal
Mechanism closely [see "Marey, Muybridge and Meissonier"] . If
Stanford could think of making instantaneous photographs of
the horse in motion, the next step, of making a synthesis of the

motion for an existing instrument, was certainly a readily
available idea. As soon as The Horse in Motion series was
published, the suggestion of using the photographs on bands for
the zoetrope was advanced on all sides [see "Eadweard
Muybridge, 1830-1904"].

Within a month of his success in taking the series
photographs of the horse in motion, Muybridge was projecting
them life-size, "in quick succession" before audiences in
California.45 The near-synthetic effect of one slide quickly
succeeding the other must have made him determine to devise a
way to project them in quick enough succession to correctly
reconstitute the motion his instantaneous photographs had
stopped. The synthesis would be absolute proof of his accurate
analysis, as well as an instructive entertainment for the public.

Muybridge's first attempt to devise a machine that would
accomplish this was based on Wheatstone's reflecting
stereoscope. This was abandoned, however, and he developed
the instrument that he finally called the zoopraxiscope. His
description of the process leading to it appears in his Preface to
Animals in Motion:

". . . the author arranged, in . . . consecutive order, on some
glass discs, a number of equidistant phases of certain
movements; each series. . . illustrated one or more complete
and recurring acts of motion, or a combination of them: for
example, an athlete turning a somersault on horseback, while
the animal was cantering; a horse making a few strides of the
gallop, a leap over a hurdle, another few strides, another leap,
and so on; or a group of galloping horses.

"Suitable gearing of an apparatus constructed for the
purpose caused one of these glass discs, when attached to a
central shaft, to revolve in front of the condensing lens of a
projecting lantern, parallel with, and close to another disc fixed
to a tubular shaft which encircled the other, and around which
it rotated in the contrary direction. The latter disc was of
sheet-metal, in which, near its periphery, radiating from its
center, were long narrow perforations, the number of which
had a definite relation to the number of phases in the one or
more lines of motion on the glass disc — the same number, one
or two more, or one or two less — according to the sequence of
phases, the intended direction of the movement, or the
variations desired in the apparent rate of speed.46

"The discs being of large size, small portions only of their

surfaces showing one phase of each of the circles of moving

animals were in front of the condenser at the same instant.

"For many of the discs it was found advisable to fill up the
outlines with opaque paint, as a more convenient and
satisfactory method of obtaining greater brilliancy and stronger
contrasts on the screen than was possible with chemical
manipulation only. In the "retouching" great care was
invariably taken to preserve the photographic outline intact.

"To this instrument the author gave the name of
Zoopraxiscope; it is the first apparatus ever used, or
constructed, for synthetically demonstrating movements
analytically photographed from life, and in its resulting effects
is the prototype of all the various instruments which, under a
variety of names, are used for a similar purpose at the present
day. . ."

The first audience for the first motion pictures was Leland
Stanford and his family, who saw them in their Palo Alto home
in the autumn of 1879. [See Documents, E.]

Muybridge's Zoopraxiscope, Kingston-upon-Thames

"To correct the apparent vertical extension of the animals
when seen through the narrow openings of the metal disc on its
revolution in such close proximity to, and in the reverse
direction of the glass disc, the photographs on the latter,
after numerous experiments, were ultimately prepared as
follows:

"A flexible positive was conically bent inwards, and inclined
at the necessary angle from the lens of the copying camera to
ensure the required horizontal elongation of the animal while
the straight line of ground corresponded with the curvature of
the intended ground-line of the glass disc, towards the
periphery of which the feet of the animals were always pointed.

"A negative was then made of this phase, and negatives of
the other phases, in the same manner. All the negatives required
for that particular subject were then consecutively arranged,
equidistantly, in a circle, on a large sheet of glass; if the disc
was to include more than one subject, the phases thereof were
arranged in the same manner, and a transparent positive made
of them collectively. The glass support of the resulting positive
was subsequently cut into the form of a circle, and a hole
bored through the centre, for the purpose of attaching it to the
inner shaft of the apparatus. . . .Much time and care were
required in the preparation of the discs, each figure having to
be photographed three times, independently, before being
photographed collectively.

Several Nineteenth-century "Philosophical Toys,"
Forerunners of the Zoopraxiscope

The nineteenth-century was avid for the synthesis of motion,
and a number of so-called "philosophical toys" were created to
present it. These precursors of Muybridge's zoopraxiscope
depended upon successive poses that could be observed with
the eye, or psoed for the camera. They were available, as Marey
had noted in 1873, for scientific use, and had, in fact, been
used by M. Mathais Duval, professor of anatomy at the Ecole
des Beaux-Arts with subjects drawn after graphic notations of
human locomotion.

The principle underlying all of these nineteenth-century
devices, as William I. Homer noted in his discussion of them in
an address to the College Art Association in 1963, is the
phenomenon of persistence of vision. When the retina of the
eye is stimulated by images faster than 1/10 of a second, the
illusion of continuous motion will result. The following
illustrations and descriptive captions cite some of these
nineteenth-century toys.

Thaumatrope 1826

Bird in a Cage. A circle of carboard has related images on both
sides. When it is rapidly twirled, by means of attached strings,
both images are simultaneously received by the viewer. In this

Thaumatrope 1826
Phenakistoscope 1832

case, the bird appears to be inside the cage.
Stroboscope or Phenakistoscope 1832

Simon Ritter von Stampfer, an Austrian, invented the
Stroboscope, and independently, in the same year, the Belgian
philospher and scientist Joseph Plateau invented the
Phenakistoscope. In these two toys, a disk with perforated
slots, on one side of which are drawings of successive
movement, is rapidly rotated. To observe motion, the viewer
looks through the slots toward a mirror which reflects the
drawings on the other side in simulated motion. The devices
were improved to eliminate the mirror by placing two
counter-rotating disks on one shaft.

Daedelum, or Wheel of Life, later called the Zoetrope 1834

Although a toy called the Daedelum, or Wheel of Life, was
invented in 1834 by W.G. Horner of Bristol, it did not gain
wide popularity until 1867, when the same device was brought
out in the United States under the name of zoetrope. The
zoetrope turns the phenakistoscope to the horizontal; it is a
slotted revolving drum through which the viewer peers to see
apparent movement

Praxinoscope 1877

Emile Reynaud patented this device in Paris in 1877. It was an
advance over the zoetrope, for Reynaud placed mirrors in the
center of the drum, which reflected the images from its interior
rim. Thus, the viewer looked over the outer rim, and saw a
smoother motion than that interrupted by the slots of the
zoetrope.

The Praxinoscope Theater 1878

Reynaud improved on his Praxinoscope in this delightful toy.
Between the viewpoint and the turntable is a place for a scenic
effect, which remains still, while the figures in the drum appear
to move. The theater came equipped with a variety of scenic
effects, from a circus ring for acrobats to a snow scene for
skaters.

The Magic Lantern

Basic to Muybridge's zoopraxiscope, of course, was the

1880

Phases of the Eclipse of the Sun, 11 January 1880

albumen print from wet-plate collodion negative

3 1/4x4 1/4 in., mounted on a printed card 6 1/2x4 1/4
in.

"Photographed for Hon. Leland Stanford, at Palo Alto,
California, by Muybridge"

Published by G.D. Morse, San Francisco

Fifteen collodion negatives, 2 3/4 x 3 1/2 in., with time
notations in Muybridge's hand

The Praxinoscope Theater 1878

projection, or magic lantern, which had been in use since the
16th century. Slides for lantern projection also conveyed
movement:

Chromotropes and Comic Slides

The chromotrope gives a kaleidoscopic effect when two
counter-rotating circles of glass, with different designs on them,
are moved by a simple string and tackle mechanism. The comic
slides operate either by a lever, which moves a partially painted
slide quickly to block out and then reveal portions of a painted
image in a frame (a man doffs his hat, the devil pops in and
out of a bundle of straw), or by a more complicated lever and
rack-and-pinion method, in which two motions are apparent: a
man snores as he sleeps (his jaw moved by a lever), while a rat
circles from under his bed to jump into his mouth (operated by
the circular motion of the rack and pinion). These slides were
also used to educate: "The Earth's Rotundity" shows two ships
circling the globe.

Collection Stanford University Museum of Art. The exhibition
prints were made by the photographer Ralph E. Talbert from the
Muybridge negatives

By the time Muybridge made his negatives of the total eclipse
of 11 January 1880, photography had long served astronomy,
particularly with regard to studies of the sun. Daguerreotypes
had been made of the sun as early as 1842, under the direction
of Francois Arago, the French astronomer who had announced
Daguerre's invention to the Academie des Sciences on 7
January 1839. Wet-plate collodion, a faster process, was
introduced in 1851. Photographs taken with wet-plates by the
German photographer Berkowski during the eclipse of 28 July
1851 made visible some prominences, as well as the inner
corona of the sun, and from the accurately timed photographs
taken in Paris during the eclipse of 15 March 1858, the
apparent diameter of the sun was established.48 Muybridge was
among the last photographers of an eclipse to use the wet-plate
method, for by 1880 the modern silver-bromide gelatin
emulsion had appeared. With this faster film, photography
became an indispensable tool of astronomical discovery.

The Stanford Museum's set of negatives of the 1880 eclipse
is not complete; according to Museum records, five are missing.
This may account for the inequality of the time intervals
between exposures. The most complete eclipse of the sun
occurred at 3:50 p.m., as reported in San Francisco. In Palo

j-'hases of the Eclipse of the ^un,

January 11th, 1S80,

PHOT-OCX IPHBU TOR HON, I.I I INB StAMFOKD, \ I PaLO A.LTO. Ca! IF0RN1A, v.s Ml VBS1DC1

Pi IH.ISIIF.I. By G. I). Mossfi

Houns uf t)nsKKVvin>N : 1 — Sun before eclipse. -i— :j,it.">. :{ ; 42. 4 :>:1'J. 5~-3:51.

6—4:1)8. 7— 4:3*.

Alto, Muybridge took three successive photographs around that
time at intervals of three, three and two minutes: by his own
notation, at 3:46 p.m., 3:49 p.m. and 3:51 p.m.

Immediately after 3:50, according to a newspaper account?9
"the most singular phenomenon of the eclipse occurred, as
observed in San Francisco. It consisted of the rapid changes of
the crescent of light as the moon passed over the sun's disk.
[In] the first phase. . . the horns of the crescent pointed
horizontally to the south, but in the course of the half minute
which this extreme obscuration lasted, the horns of the crescent
rapidly changed position until they pointed to the zenith. When
the sun set in the west the left hand side of the upper limb was
notched. . . by the moon's outline."

Seven of the twenty-one phases Muybridge recorded are
represented in the published photograph, which appears to be a
photograph copy of drawings made after the original
photographs, and lacks any suggestion of photographic quality.
It may have been made with scissors and paper.

The total eclipse of the sun of 11 January 1880 was the last
one of the nineteenth century. Significantly, his photographs of
it were the last ones "Helios" was took for Leland Stanford.50

1881

The Attitudes of Animals in Motion. A Series of Photographs
Illustrating the Consecutive Positions Assumed by Animals in
Performing Various Movements

"Executed at Palo Alto, California, in 1878 and 1879,
"Copyright 1881, by Muybridge"

In Stanford's presentation copy:

"Hon. Leland Stanford: Sir Herewith please find the

photographs illustrating The Attitudes of Animals in Motion,
executed by me according to your instructions, at Palo Alto in
1878 and 1879. Muybridge, Menlo Park, 15th May, 1881."

Two-hundred and three albumen prints from wet-plate collodion
negatives, 6 3/4 x 9 3/4 in.

Stanford University Museum of Art

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University
Libraries, holds a copy of Attitudes in which the photographs
are mounted. The Stanford University Museum of Art's copy.

shown in the exhibition, is unmounted; the prints are trial
proofs on print-out paper

In this summation of Muybridge's work for Stanford, the
individual pages are untitled, and bear only his copyright stamp.
Preceding the "Index to Illustrations" is Muybridge's
introduction:

"The accompanying photographs, illustrating the attitudes of
animals in motion, were executed in 1878 and 1879, at the
Palo Alto Stock Farm, by instructions of Governor Leland
Stanford.

"The following is a brief description of the introductory
illustrations:

"A. General view of the Palo Alto Stock Rancho.

"B. A photographing Camera and back of Electro-shutter.
Two light panels of wood, each with an opening in the center
are adjusted to move up and down, freely in their framework.
These panels are arranged to exclude light from the lens and are
held in position by a latch. At the proper time, a current of
electricity charges a magnet attached to the shutter frame, an
armature is thereby attracted and caused to strike the latch
which holds the panels; they, being released, are drawn
respectively upwards and downwards with great rapidity, by
rubber springs, and light is admitted to the photographing plate
while the openings in the panels are passing each other.

"C. Front of Electro-shutters, with positions of panels
before, during, and after exposure.

"D. Front of operating room in which are arranged parallel
with the track, 24 Cameras, at a distance of 12 inches from the
center of each Lens, and an Electro-shutter in front of each.

"E. Operating track, covered with rubber flooring, and
crossed with lines 12 inches apart, over which the animals are
caused to move. On one side of the track a white background is
arranged at a suitable angle. The cross lines on the track are
distinguished by the upper line of figures. The particular
Camera in which any negative of a series is made, is designated
by the parallel direction of the vertical stake, with the
horizontal line extending to the corresponding number of the
Camera immediately opposite. The discriminating number of
each series of exposures is recorded on each negative by the
large figures [229 for example] which is changed for each
movement illustrated.

"F. General view of the experiment track, background and
Cameras. Threads are being stretched across the track, 12 inches
apart, and at a suitable height for photographing the action of a

running horse. One end of each of the threads is secured in
front of the Cameras, hauled taut, and fastened to a metal
spring, which is drawn almost to the point of contact with a
metal plate. In its progress over the track, the animal strikes
these threads in succession, and as each spring touches its metal
plate, a current of electricity is sent through a connecting wire
to the magnet in the shutter opposite, and exposures of the
plates in the line of Cameras is successively made, each
exposure recording the position of the animal at the instant of
his pressing against its corresponding thread; this accomplished,
the thread immediately breaks. For horses driven in vehicles the
exposure is made by steering one of the wheels over wires,
slightly elevated from the ground, the successive depression of
each one completing an electric circuit, and making its
corresponding exposure.

"For recording the movements of animals not under direct
control, clock-work apparatus is arranged to cause successive
exposures at regulated intervals of Time instead of at uniform
distances. The boxes, arranged in a semi-circle contain
Electro-shutters and Cameras, for obtaining simultaneous
exposures of the same position of the animal from different
points of view. Muybridge"

It is not known how many copies of this book Muybridge
printed. There must have been at least five: the one that
appears in the Meissonier painting of Leland Stanford, 1881
(now in the Stanford Museum), and the four that Muybridge
sold in London before his return to the United States in 1882
[see Documents, H]. There is a copy in the Library of the
Academy of Arts and Sciences, which may be one of the five
accounted for above. The book was, at any rate, handmade. No
reproductive process was used for the photographs. There was
no factory setup at Palo Alto, and there is no publisher named.
Muybridge printed the five (at least) sets of 203 photographs
himself. It was a prodigious work.

The photographs in Attitudes of Animals in Motion have an
archetypal quality, a tense awkwardness that is apparent in any
art before the finesse that accompanies foreseeable results sets
in. Muybridge was experimenting in 1878-79; he was at the
height of his interest in the doing of the work.

Running high leap, Photograph 103,
Attitudes of Animals in Motion

Opposite :

Athlete swinging a pick

Photograph 110, Attitudes of Animals in Motion

Two cameras have been used; the photographs are not consecutive

Above :

Studies of fore shortenings

Photographs 187-191, Attitudes of Animals in Motion

1882 The Horse in Motion

The Horse in Motion, As Shown by Instantaneous Photography,
With a Study on Animal Mechanics, Founded on Anatomy and
the Revelations of the Camera, in which is Demonstrated the
Theory of Quadrupedal Locomotion, by J.D.B. Stillman, A.M.,
M.D.

"Executed and Published under the Auspices of Leland
Stanford"

Boston, James R. Osgood and Company, 1882

Printed by the University Press, Cambridge

"One Volume, Royal Quarto, Fully Illustrated, $10" 51

Five heliotype reproductions of Muybridge photographs, nine
color plates of anatomical drawings, ninety-one
photo-lithographs of drawings made from Muybridge's
photographs, 127 pages of text

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University
Libraries

The publication of this book in February 1882 ended the
Stanford/Muybridge collaboration. It reached England in April,
1882, when Muybridge was famous for his demonstrations
before learned societies of the analysis and synthesis of animal
motion, of which he claimed to be the originator. Because his
name did not appear on the title page, and because Stanford
named him only as a "skilled photographer," his word was
questioned; he started a suit against Stanford and returned to
America. [See "Eadweard Muybridge, 1830-1904," and
Documents F and H for a history of the suit.]

The history of the book has an equally sad conclusion.
Although long reviews of it were placed by the publisher in the
leading newspapers throughout the country and abroad, it did
not sell. Stanford wrote the following note to Dr. Stillman,
who was to remain his lifelong friend, on July 28, 1882:

"I have not your last letter before me, but I remember that
the business portion of it was in regard to the price of the
book. I think a low price is best for I would like to hear of
some sales and possibly someone may want it if the price is low
enough. I have never heard of anybody's buying the book nor
have I heard of the book's being sold." 53

Comparison of the lithographic plates in Stillman's volume
with the Muybridge photographs the drawings were made from
suggests one reason for the failure of this expensive publication
[see p. 28]. The Muybridge photographs catch the vivacity of
motion of the subjects; the lithographs appear posed, lifeless
renderings of motion extracted from its actual setting. Stillman
had guided the book through the press, but no doubt it was
understood by Stanford that drawings after the photographs
rather than reproductions of them were to be used. In making
this decision Stillman and Stanford underestimated the
convincing power of the photographs, underexposed as some of
them might have been. The decision to use line copies of them
was consistent with Stanford's customary acceptance of
photography as a medium that gave information, rather than as
a visual medium, with an inherent message.

Stillman's text is heavily written, and according to W.M.R.
French, who sent Stanford a thirteen-page manuscript of
corrections, in case there should be a second edition, was full
of errors, which even included the misspelling of the name of
Stanford's star horse, Abe Edgington. The thought of a second
edition was put aside, although Stillman had ordered $2,000
worth of corrected plates for it in advance, so confident was he
of its success.54As for the first edition, those volumes that were
not sold are believed to have been burned along with everything
else in the fire that destroyed the Stanford San Francisco home
in April, 1906.

Although Muybridge did not win his suit, he had the last
word. In his Prospectus and Catalogue for Animal Locomotion,
1887, he wrote:55

"In conclusion, it may not be irrelevant for the author to
remark that a number of his early experimental photographs of
animal movements, and his original Title, "The Horse in
Motion," were copied, and published a few years ago, in a book
which is referred to in the following paragraph, reprinted from
Nature (London), June 29, 1882. After the full Title of the
book is quoted, the reviewer says, 'The above is the somewhat
long title of a large and important work issuing from the
well-known Cambridge (U.S.) University Press.

" 'Long as is the title, the name of the principal contributor
to the volume is left unrecorded there; though, indeed, even a
cursory glance over its contents shows how much indebted is
the whole question of the mode of motion in the horse to the
elaborate series of investigations of Mr. Muybridge.' "

Notes

1. Catalogue of Photographic Views Illustrating the Yosemite,
Mammoth Trees, Geyser Springs, and other remarkable and
Interesting Scenery of the Far West, by Muybridge, Bradley
& Rulofson, San Francisco, 1873. Original in The Bancroft
Library, University of California, Berkeley. The catalogue has
been thoroughly studied by Mary V. Jessup Hood and Robert
B. Haas. Their article, "Eadweard Muybridge 's Yosemite
Valley Photographs, 1867-1872," California Historical
Society Quarterly, Vol. XLII, San Francisco, March 1963,
pp. 5-26, gives the results of the study. Much of the
information in the present discussion depends upon it.

2. Beaumont Newhall provided this article by H.W. Vogel, as
well as the information about him.

3. Three other photographers had preceded him. The pre-1872
history of the graphic representation of the Valley, whose
existence became generally known in 1851, when the
Mariposa Battalion chased a group of Indians into it, is, in
brief, as follows: In the summer of 1855, the young English
artist Thomas Ayres accompanied a party of tourists led by
James M. Hutchings, the first "developer" of the Valley.
There he made wash drawings of views,, two of which were
published in San Francisco in 1855 (Emil Ernst, "Yosemite's
First Tourists," Yosemite Nature Notes, Vol. XXIV, No. 6,
June 1955). In 1859, Charles L. Weed, for whom Hutchings
also served as guide, took twenty 10 x 14 in. plates and forty
stereos, which were published in San Francisco by Vance's
Gallery (Mary V. Hood, "Charles L. Weed, Yosemite's First
Photographer," Yosemite Nature Notes, Vol. XXXVIII, No.
6, June 1959). In 1861, Carleton E. Watkins took
photographs on the Valley floor and the first photographs
from above the Valley. He made subsequent trips during the
mid-sixties; his photographs were published in the U.S.
Government Survey, Geology, Vol. I, 1865, and The
Yosemite Book, 1868 (Hood and Haas, op. cit., p. 8). In
1866, W. Harris completed a series of views taken in and
around Tuolumne Meadows (the high country) for J.D.
Whitney, director of the Geological Survey, and these were
published in The Yosemite Book (ibid.). Then Muybridge
entered the scene.

4. For his titles in the Hittell volume, Muybridge used the Indian
names favored by Hutchings, e.g.: "Tissayac, or Half Dome,"
"Piwyac, or Vernal Fall," "Yowiye, or Nevada Fall." He
continued this practice after others had abandoned it.

The following passage in HittelPs guidebook describes the

landscape:

"The great attraction of Yosemite is the crowding of a

multitude of romantic, peculiar and grand scenes within a

very small space. One of these waterfalls, one of these vertical
cliffs, half a mile high, one of these dome or egg-shaped
mountains, or the chasm itself, as a geological curiosity,
would be worthy of world-wide fame; but at Yosemite there
are eight cataracts, five domes, a dozen cliffs, several lakes
and caverns, and numberless minor wonders, besides the
biggest groves near by, and scores of mountains. ..." (Hittell,
op. cit., p. 9.)

5. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 8.

6. I am also grateful to Beaumont Newhall for this quotation.

7. By 1872, there were other possibilities for easier travel : by rail
or boat and rail from San Francisco to a stage point; by stage
to several points from which horses and pack mules then
descended into the Valley.

8. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 15.

9. Artists listed as subscribers include: "A. Bierstadt, Charles C.
Nahl, Norton Bush, S.M. Brookes."

10. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 8.

11. According to Mary and William Hood, who have studied early
photographs of Yosemite from a geological and botanical
point of view, the Indians who summered in the Valley
before the white settlers arrived had periodically burned off
growth on the floor. The earliest tourists, therefore, had
much more complete views of the surrounding rock
formations and the waterfalls than are available today, when
the growth of trees and shrubs has gone unchecked.

12. For the history of photographic war reporting, see Helmut
Gernsheim, The History of Photography from the Camera
Obscura to the Beginning of the Modern Era, New York,
1969, pp. 267-74, 453-4. Also, Beaumont Newhall, The
History of Photography from 1839 to the Present Day,
second edition, New York, 1964, pp. 67-74.

13. Some are identical views; a stereo cut to 3V4 in. square and
separately entered, has been counted as one.

14. Conversation, January 1972.

15. R.B. Haas, manuscript of Muybridge, Man in Motion.

16. This page numbering does not represent the original order of
the album, which cannot be known, since the pages were
loose and had been regrouped. The letters signify the position
of the prints on each page.

17. The information about the SS Costa Rica and, following,
about the Vasco da Gama was given by Karl Kortum,
Director, and the late Albert Harmon, Librarian, of the San
Francisco Maritime Museum.

18. The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

19. Identified by Mary V. Jessup Hood.

20. From the subscription offer written in Panama by Muybridge
on 1 October 1875. The offer is signed "Eduardo Santiago
Muybridge." Kingston Scrapbook, p. 15, insert.

21. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 14.

22. Ibid.

23. On the flyleaf of one of the Stanford albums, H.C. Peterson
wrote: ". . .Upon his return he attempted to coerce the
Pacific Mail SS. Co. to buy the lot from him on the basis of a
purported contract with him. In the endeavor to realize

money from the P.M. SS. Co., he threatened suit but the

proof was too conclusive that there was no contract."

24. A set of unidentified views will shortly be published in a
biography of Muybridge by Kevin MacDonnell of England.
These may be the views that are mentioned in a letter of
Walter R. Miles, a former professor at Stanford University, to
Mrs. Helen Cross, Associate Director of the Stanford
Museum, on 19 December 1955. Miles, writing from Istanbul,
asks for a microfilm of the two albums with Muybridge's
handwritten titles in them so that he can identify his set of
seventy unmounted views given to him by Mr. Timothy
Hopkins (the son of Stanford's partner, Mark Hopkins), in
1929, when Miles was "chairman of the committee that
arranged the Stanford-Muybridge Celebration." He asks that
the microfilm be sent to Mrs. E.B. Ginsburg of Clinton,
South Carolina, who "is studying the Muybridge
photographs, on a project of mutual interest." Letter in the
files of the Stanford Museum.

25. Report of the Jurors, Eleventh Industrial Exhibition, San
Francisco, 1876. Kingston Scrapbook.

26. Kingston Scrapbook.

27. From notes made by Kent Seavey, Stanford University, from
the Norton Bush scrapbooks in the Oakland Museum Library.

28. Cited in George T. Clark, Leland Stanford, War Governor of
California, Railroad Builder and Founder of Stanford
University, Stanford University Press, 1931, p. 310.

29. For the history of the painted diorama (also called
panorama), see Helmut and Alison Gernsheim, L.J.M.
Daguerre, second edition, New York, 1968, and Olive Cook,
Movement in Two Dimensions, London, 1963, especially
Chapter 2. For photographic panoramas, see H. Gernsheim,
The History of Photography, op. cit., pp. 119, 126-7, 142,
291, 136-7.

30. For reproductions of panoramic views of San Francisco made
by daguerreotypists between 1850 and 1853, see Sea Letter,
San Francisco Maritime Museum, Vol. II, Nos. 2 and 3,
October 1964.

31. Alta California, 22 July 1877. Quoted on Muybridge's
advertisement for the panorama. California Historical
Society, San Francisco.

32. From notes made by Kent Seavey, Stanford University, from
the Norton Bush Scrapbooks in the Oakland Museum
Library.

33. The author of "Bohemian Bubbles" in the San Francisco Post

thus criticized Koch's work on Occident:

"It is not an unusual error with artists to paint one limb out
of proportion with another, and it might be excused in
photography, only that the apparatus can't lie. I don't know,
though I could excuse Koch if he had painted those legs in
Indian ink instead of simply retouching the negative to give a
better effect. He should know anatomy, but it is strange how
little artists study nature. One artist receiving a commission
to paint a picture of a shipwreck painted some red lobsters
among the rocks on shore, and another, not being able to get
on without a bit of red somewhere in the foreground of a
river scene, painted a bunch of carrots floating down the
stream. Now, lobsters are not red until after they are boiled,
and as a matter of fact, carrots don't float." Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 12.

34. The judges used the same wording Muybridge had used in a
letter to the editor of the Alta California dated 2 August
1877:

". . .1 herewith enclose you a photograph made from a
negative, which I believe to have been more rapidly executed
than any ever made hitherto.

"The exposure was made while "Occident" was trotting past
me at the rate of 2:27, accurately timed, or 36 feet in a
second, about 40 feet distant, the exposure of the negative
being less than the one-thousandth part of a second. The
length of exposure can be pretty accurately determined by
the fact that the whip in the driver's hand did not move the
distance of its diameter. ..." Kingston Scrapbook, p. 19.

35. San Francisco Morning Call, 16 June 1878. Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 21.

36. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 20.

37. San Francisco Chronicle, 9 July 1878. Kingston Scrapbook,
p. 30.

38. San Francisco Bulletin, 28 August 1878. Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 30.

39. Alta California, 20 November 1878. Kingston Scrapbook, p.
32.

40. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 57.

41. The differences between the Stanford zoopraxiscope and
Muybridge's original are optical and mechanical. Muybridge
used a lens of longer focal length for projection up to
life-size. The lens had to be mounted on its own pedestal,
apart from the machine. The Stanford copy has a lens of
shorter focal length, mounted in front of the gear frame. The
Stanford copy uses a tungsten filament light instead of
oxyhydrogen. It does not have the attachments Muybridge
used to project still slides as well as moving pictures. Like the
original, the copy is operated by hand. David Beach, who
designed and built the Stanford zoopraxiscope, believes that
the modified magic lantern in the Stanford Museum

Collection is the prototype of the light housing that
Muybridge used, and has incorporated it into his copy of the
original.

42. For a history of the zoetrope and other nineteenth-century
"philosophical toys," see Gaston Tissandier, Popular
Scientific Recreations, New York, c. 1879; 0. Cook,
Movement in Two Dimensions, London, 1963; and D.B.
Thomas, The Origins of the Motion Picture, London, Science
Museum, 1964.

43. The phenakistoscope was also called "zootrope" at this time;
after 1867, when the Daedelum was introduced to the United
States under the name zoetrope, the name was usually
reserved for this slotted revolving-drum device. See the
descriptions and illustrations below for some of the many
nineteenth-century scopes and tropes.

44. Etienne-Jules Marey, Animal Mechanism, New York, 1874, p.
137.

45. The "quick succession" of one image after another was noted
in reports on the lectures by several San Francisco and
Sacramento newspapers. Kingston Scrapbook, p. 30.

46. Compare the counter-rotation of the disks with the improved
phenakistoscope, below.

47. Marey, Ibid.

48. The full history is given in Gerard de Vaucoulerurs,
Astronomical Photography, from the Daguerreotype to the
Electron Camera, translated by R. Wright, New York,
1961.

49. San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 12 January 1880.

50. In his Preface to Animals in Motion, 1899, Muybridge
remarks: "With the exception of a series of phases of a solar
eclipse, made in January, 1880, the Palo Alto researches were
concluded in 1879."

From the advertisement for the book published by H.H.
Bancroft, San Francisco, 1882. The Bancroft Library.

Dr. Stillman was a Gold Rush pioneer. He had earlier
published his account of the voyage from New York in 1849
and of life in California: Seeking the Golden Fleece, San
Francisco and New York, 1877.
Stanford University Archives

Letter, Osgood to Stillman, 30 December 1881. Stanford
University Archives.
55. Muybridge, Animal Locomotion, Prospectus and Catalogue,
University of Pennsylvania, 1887, pp. 17-18.

51.

52.

53.
54.

Jean-Louis-Ernest Meissonier

Self-Portrait in the Studio

from Gustave Larroumet, Meissonier, n.d., p.

131, ^Boulevard CMaleiljcrbcs

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Muybridge's copy of Meissonier's invitation for

the demonstration of 26 November 1881

Kingston Scrapbook, p. 72, insert

Muybridge Collection, Central Library, Kingston-upon-Thames

Marey, Muybridge and Meissonier
The Study of Movement in Science and Art

Frangoise Forster-Hahn

Ever since Leonardo's efforts to analyze "phenomena of short
duration," such as the flight of birds or the waves of water,
artists and scientists have attempted to visualize and make
visible what lies beyond the limits of human perception. But
only with the help of modern technology and through the
conjunction of science and art did the century-long searches
come to a successful conclusion in the latter part of the
nineteenth century. One of the central issues in the nineteenth
century was the analysis of the horse's movements during its
various gaits. The history, the results and the impact of these
crucial experiments will be investigated in the following essay.

I. Crystallation of Scientific, Photographic and
Artistic Investigations, 1870-1881

Paris 1881

On 26 November 1881 the French painter Jean-Louis-Ernest
Meissonier (1815-1891) gave Eadweard Muybridge a spectacular
reception in his elegant Paris residence, which was not only
chronicled in many newspapers of the day, but became a
much-discussed topic in artistic and scientific circles interested
in the analysis and representation of movement. An article in
the American Register of 3 December 1881, under the title
"Mr. Muybridge's Photographs of Animals in Motion,"
described Muybridge's demonstration in enthusiastic terms and
named the many illustrious guests gathered by Meissonier for
this extraordinary occasion:

"One of the latest topics of Parisian conversation has been
the magnificent entertainment at the residence of M.
Meissonier, where we had the pleasure of meeting a large
number of the most eminent artists, scientists and literati of
Paris. The object of the renowned artist was to introduce to his
friends Mr. Muybridge, of California, and afford them an
opportunity of witnessing a very remarkable exhibition. ... At
last the Gordian knot is solved, and from the far-off land of

California comes a man who is welcomed by the most eminent
of living painters, accorded his friendship, and introduced by
him, with a generosity equaled only by the greatness of his
renown, to an assemblage of eminent men, such as is seldom
found within the walls of one room .... The pictures
consisted of a large number of photographs projected with the
aid of the oxyhydrogen light, the size of life, upon a screen,
illustrating the attitudes assumed by a horse during each twelve
inches of progress, while performing the various movements of
hauling, walking, ambling, cantering, galloping, trotting, leaping
. . . Other pictures illustrated the actions of the dog, the ox,
the deer, etc., and the attitudes of men in the act of wrestling,
running, jumping, and other athletic exercises. . . . With the aid
of an instrument called the zoopraxiscope many of the subjects
were exhibited in actual motion, and the shadows traversed the
screen, apparently to the eye as if the living animal itself were
moving, and the various positions of the horse and the dog,
many of which, when viewed singly, are singular in the
extreme, were at once resolved into the graceful, undulating
movements we are accustomed to associate with the action of
those animals. The most remarkable and beautiful pictures were
probably those of birds on the wing. . ."

Among the guests were the artists Eugene Guillaume, then
director of the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Jean Le'bn Gerome,
Alexandre Cabanel, Leon Bonnat, Jean-Baptiste Edouard
Detaille, the critics Jules Claretie and Albert Wolff and the
poet Alexandre Dumas fils. Meissonier had assembled some of
the most famous and influential painters and critics of the
official art establishment of the day. They all witnessed the
photographic proof that the horse had, indeed, all four legs off
the ground during one phase of the gallop; not in the
traditional "hobby-horse" position, however, but in a rather
odd way, with all four legs bunched together under its body.
The author of the article in the American Register singled out
three aspects of Muybridge's demonstration that had been
noted earlier in the American press. These aspects were to
become the main issues in all future discussions: the extreme
oddity of the individual attitudes as they were caught in single

photographs; their synthesis by the zoopraxiscope into
"graceful undulating movements"; and, thus, the reconciliation
of the odd and unexpected stills with the accustomed
perception of the human eye.

Two months before this reception, Muybridge had given an
"exhibition" at the home of the physiologist Etienne-Jules
Marey (1830-1904) "in the presence of a large number of
scientists from various parts of the world, then attending the
Electrical Congress at Paris." 2 The first public record of
Muybridge 's appearance in Paris is an article in Le Globe of 27
September 1881. 3 Both demonstrations, the first one given
before an audience of internationally renowned scientists, and
the second before artists, literati and critics, had far-reaching
consequences, particularly for the two men who had been
Muybridge 's hosts.

The demonstration in Meissonier's residence represented for
his guests the culmination of a long and arduous search by
artists to establish the phases of the horse's gaits, for it
presented to them the conclusion of photographic experiments
in "synthetically demonstrating movements analytically
photographed from life." 4 For Muybridge, the reception at
Meissonier's and its publicity was the stepping stone for his
triumphant European lecture tour and his future career. In two
letters that he wrote immediately after these events, he clearly
realized the impetus they would give to his professional life:

"I have happily obtained a recognition among the artists and
scientists of Paris which is extremely gratifying, and were honor
all that I am seeking, I need have no apprehension."

"M. Meissonier exhibits the greatest interest in my work,
and through his commanding influence I have obtained a
recognition here which is extremely gratifying and
advantageous."5

Muybridge continued his work in the "Electro-Photo studio
in the Bois de Boulogne" and his ambitious plans included a
joint publication with Meissonier and Marey.6

Marey's Research and Duhoussets's Investigations

The first news of Muybridge's successful experiments at Leland
Stanford's Palo Alto Farm had reached Europe three years
earlier, when Gaston Tissandier (1843-1899) had published
copies of some of his instantaneous photographs in the journal

•2i

LA .YUTIIE.

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force pliotagraphique ; elle reproduil la succession Sous rccommandons ■* nos lectenrs dc bien ciu-

des temps de failure dc S il it Gardner, an .1 ind dier chacune des positions du cheval dans ce mou-

rem< nl rerl igh llans li i>. I (fig. 5} an

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la pholograpbie instanlanee.

Nous devons ajoulei que I'ecarleincnt des lignes

vcrlii ides sur les phot .gi ipbi di II Hujbriil e

cstdcSI pouces anglais, soil de 0",582 millime-
tres el cclui des lignes horizontales •!(.■ 11 ■», 1 11 J mil-
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M, el scrvenl it lelude de chacune ilcs images,
ij'- .li! crentes gravures he'tiograpbiques Torment

La Nature, 14 December 1878

The first European publication of the Stanford-Muybridge experiments

La Nature of 14 December 1878. Tissandier, a chemist and
aeronaut, had founded La Nature in 1873 and acted as its
versatile and inspiring editor. It was from this publication that
Marey first learned about Muybridge's and Stanford's
investigations into animal locomotion. Tissandier had
immediately sensed the value of Muybridge's photographs for
both physiologists and artists and publicly recognized
Muybridge's results as an important complement to Marey's
studies, 7 which he had published in La Nature for 28
September and 5 October 1878. Marey, who had been professor
of natural history at the College de France since 1869, devoted
his entire scholarly work to the study of movement. Since the
early 1860s he had recorded his analytical experiments with
graphic notations and had published his researches in a number
of books and articles. Marey later acknowledged that the
possibility of applying photography to the study of animal and
human locomotion marked a decisive turning point in his
work. 8 Thus he grasped immediately the potential of
Muybridge's photographic investigations, which to some extent
paralleled his own researches at the time. In a letter printed in
La Nature of 28 December 1878, the issue immediately
following the first European publication of Muybridge's
photographs, Marey welcomed them as both *a superior means
of physiological studies and a "revolution" for artists because
they furnished "the true attitudes of movement," and
"positions of the body in instable balance in which a model
would find it impossible to pose." 9

"There is scarcely any branch of animal mechanics which
has given rise to more labor and greater controversy than the
question of the paces of the horse," Marey had written in
Animal Mechanism, first published in 1873. He himself had
tried to analyze the movements of the horse, and had described
his experiments in great detail in Animal Mechanism:

"For the experimental shoe employed in the experiments
made on man has been substituted, on the horse, a ball of
India-rubber filled with horsehair, and attached to the horse's
hoof by a contrivance which adapts it to the shoe. . . . When
the foot strikes the ground, the India-rubber ball is compressed,
and drives a part of the confined air into the registering
instruments."

By measuring the distance between the traces of the hoofs
and recording the interval, Marey derived his "synoptical
notations." Some of these were transcribed by Emile Duhousset
into drawings showing the horse's attitudes in various gaits.

Duhousset was a Lieutenant-Colonel in the French Army
and an experienced horseman. A year after Marey's publication,
he published his own investigations, which he had begun as a
prisoner of war in Germany, in Le Cheval, a book he dedicated
to artists, and one in which he discussed erroneous
representations of the horse in art.11Prior to the publication of
his investigations, he had been in close contact with Gerome,
Meissonier, and Eugene Guillaume, among others, and all had
urged him to publish his results, which they believed would be
of great value to artists. Duhousset based his analytical drawings
on Marey's chronographic notations and his own experience,
and thus was able to discover very nearly the correct attitudes
of the horse during its various gaits. In fact, his drawings nearly
correspond to Muybridge's photographs, an achievement made
possible through the close collaboration between Marey and
Duhousset.

In Le Cheval, Duhousset contrasted his drawings with
examples of erroneous representations in art, which he treated
in an abbreviated historical survey. Using examples by Vernet,
Gericault, Rosa Bonheur, Meissonier and others, and specifically
pointing to Meissonier's most truthful representations,
Duhousset confronted his nearly correct drawings with the
traditional poses of galloping horses in art. Muybridge was later
to adopt this method with extraordinary success.

Marey's Physiological Station

E.-J. Marey, La Machine animale, 1873:

"Graphic curves and notations of the
horse's trot. RA, reactions of the fore-
limbs. RP, reactions of the hind limbs.
AG and AD [anterior left and right] , curves
and notations of fore-limbs. PD and PG [posterior
right and left], curves and notations of hind-limbs"

"Synoptical notations of the paces of the horse,
according to various writers"

1. Amble, according to all writers.

2. Broken amble, according to Merche.
High step, according to Bouley.

3. Ordinary step of a pacing horse, according to Mazure.
Broken amble, according to Bouley.
Traquenade, according to Lecoq.

4. Normal walking pace, according to Lecoq.

5. Normal walking pace (Bouley, Vincent and Goiffon,
Solleysel, Colin).

6. Normal walking pace, according to Raabe.

7. Irregular trot.

8. Ordinary trot (In the figure, it is supposed that the
animal trots without leaving the ground, which occurs
but rarely. The notation only takes into account the
rhythm of the impacts of the feet.

9. Normal pace, from Lecoq.

10. Traquenade, from Merche.

"£ ®^

\m i

■i

W 'J

tt&M?*

, n

Emile Duhousset, drawing from Marey's notations for

"Horse at full trot. The dot placed in the

notation correspondends with the attitude represented.

The horse is shown in the point of its stride when

it is entirely free of the ground. (Duhousset has

also indicated this in drawing the shadow.)

E.-J. Marey, Animal Mechanism, 1874, p. 158

"Experimental apparatus to show the pressure

of the horse's hoof on the ground."

E.-J. Marey, Animal Mechanism, 1874, p. 148

"Apparatus to give the signals of the

pressure and rise of the horse's hoof."

E.-J. Marey, Animal Mechanism, 1874, p. 194

Muybridge, Frankie leaping (12 of 24 exposures) 1879
Photograph 53, Attitudes of Animals in Motion, 1881

Muybridge, Deer running 1879

Photograph 86, Attitudes of Animals in Motion

Muybridge, Greyhound running 1879
Photograph 76, Attitudes of Animals in Motion

Jean-Louis-Ernest Meissonier

Meissonier familiar with these researches, had not only ventured
into lengthy experiments to analyze the horse's gaits, but had
also been interested in photography and its practical application
for some time. As early as the 1860s he used photographs to
record his work. Not a single painting left his studio without
having been photographed for the purpose of establishing a
modern liber veritatis. 13 An experienced horseman, Meissonier
spent a great deal of time watching and sketching horses at the
parade grounds of Saint-Germain.14 He also made wax models of
horses, which he placed in his studio, and according to one of
his later remarks, he seems to have used photographs as well.15

When the German painter Adolf von Menzel (1815-1905)
came to Paris for the world exhibition of 1867, he and his
friend Paul Meyerheim visited several French artists, Meissonier
among them. Meyerheim later gave a lively account of their
visit: when they arrived at Meissonier's residence, they found
the artist in his park, sketching one of his horses. Meissonier
first showed his German guests around his stable of eight
horses, then took them to the harness room, which was stuffed
with historical equipment, and then to the. colorful costume
room, in which there was an equally varied collection of
uniforms and costumes. Only thereafter were the guests led to
his studio, a long, narrow garden building, lit its full length by
a skylight, with red and white striped wallpaper all around. It
was here that Meissonier showed them numerous small sketches
of horses, all done on tiny unprepared wooden boards, which
he would fix to the right bottom corner of his palette,
sketching the horses, as he explained, while walking along with
them in order to catch their positions through all phases of
movement. 16The sketches being inconclusive, Meissonier went
to greater lengths:

". . .he had a miniature railway made in his park at Poissy,
running parallel with a track; and seated on a trolly, the speed
of which he was able to control or accelerate at will, he
watched the movements of a horse ridden by a servant. By
these means he had succeeded in decomposing and noting 'in a
flash' the most rapid and complex actions. Reflection
completed what observation had begun." 17

But despite these efforts, Meissonier's results were not
completely satisfactory to him:

"I managed at last, by dint of sheer hard work, to
thoroughly understand a horse's walk (which is a very difficult

matter), and its trot, which is easier. But my studies of the
gallop, though I watched it with all the attention I could
bestow, never satisfied me. I had even broken down one horse,
all to no purpose.'

It was at this deadlock in his investigations that Meissonier
became acquainted with Muybridge's instantaneous
photographs, which he first saw in Marey's laboratory. Some
time after their first publication in La Nature, Demeny, one of
Marey's assistants, described the painter's shocked reaction to
those photographs that contradicted all traditional
representations in art:

"The great painter Meissonier . . . used to visit our
laboratory. He was interested in the gaits of the horse, which
he sought to represent exactly. When he saw the first
photographic analyses ... he was utterly astounded and
accused our apparatus of seeing wrongly. 'If you give me a

horse galloping like this one' and he showed us one of his

sketches 'then I will be satisfied with your invention.' '

Very soon thereafter, however, Meissonier became the first
European artist to be completely convinced by photographic
evidence, and a great advocate of Muy bridge.

Leland Stanford at Meissonier's

When Leland Stanford first visited Meissonier in 1879, 20 he
brought with him prints that Muybridge had made of his
experiments at the Palo Alto Farm. Stanford, whose own
attempts to analyze the motion of the horse went back to
1870, hoped to persuade the artist to paint his portrait.
Meissonier himself gave an account of Stanford's visit:

"Meanwhile, towards the autumn, some American dealer, I
have forgotten which, brought a certain Mr. Leland Stanford, a
former governor of California, and his wife to my studio. He
asked me to paint his portrait. 21 My first impulse, of course,
was to refuse, but he began to talk about the photographs of
horses in motion, and said they were his. He had even spent
$100,000 on the work, 22 so a friend who was with him said,
and the proofs which had reached Europe were a mere nothing.
He had hundreds of others, far more interesting, not merely of
horses in motion, but of oxen, stags, dogs and men. He had
proofs of these last fighting, wrestling, jumping from the
trapeze, etc."23

According to the author of an article in the Sacramento
Daily Record-Union for 26 June 1881, Stanford visited the
painter again in June 1881. The somewhat exaggerated and
dramatic account of this eye-witness emphasized again the great
astonishment of the artist. Meissonier reacted to the
photographs with utter disbelief, which the California
businessman brushed aside with the simple statement: "The
machine cannot lie." When Meissonier brought out various wax
models of horses, Stanford produced the instantaneous
photographs of the bound volume, The Attitudes of Animals in
Motion: 24

". . .the Governor succeeded in convincing him of his error.
It was almost pitiful to see the old man sorrowfully relinquish
his convictions of so many years, and the tears filled his eyes as
he exclaimed that he was too old to unlearn and begin anew."25

When Meissonier portrayed the California businessman and
politician in the late summer or autumn of 1881, he was no
doubt asked to represent him with two characteristic attributes:
the cane with the little gold nugget, as a tribute to the venture
that had laid the foundations for his later fortune, and the
bound volume of the Muybridge photographs, "executed
according to [his] instructions at Palo Alto,"2 a testimony to
the greatest preoccupation of Stanford's private life, the
scientific training and breeding of his beloved horses.27

The Photographic Experiments
of Muybridge and Stanford

The sensational result of the photographic experiments in
California had been obtained through the combined efforts and
the collaboration of an accomplished photographer, a wealthy
horseman who was also knowledgeable and curious, and
experienced engineers and electricians. Stanford himself had
first conducted experiments on the sandy race track at
Sacramento in the summer of 1870, when he and a friend tried
to measure the depth of the impressions left by the horse's
hoofs on the soft ground of the track 28These first experiments
were, however, not initiated to satisfy scientific or artistic
curiosity, but for very practical reasons, namely, to gain
accurate knowledge of the horse's locomotion for purposes of
training. Two years later Stanford — believing as he did in
technical progress and the practical application of technology
decided to try photography in order to determine whether

a trotting horse had all four feet off the ground at some point
in its stride. In May of 1872 he engaged Muybridge to take
photographs of his horse Occident at the Sacramento race
track. After the interruption of these first attempts Muybridge
returned to new experiments in July 1877. His letter of 17
February 1879 to the editor of La Nature, in answer to Marey's
earlier letter of December 1878, leaves no doubt about Marey's
responsibility for Stanford's continuing experiments:

"Would you kindly tell Professor Marey," he wrote to
Tissandier, "that the study of his famous work on animal
mechanism inspired Governor Stanford with the first idea of
the possibility of solving the problem of locomotion with the
help of photography." [See Documents, C]

As an expert on horses, Stanford certainly knew not only
Marey's scientific publication that appeared in an English
edition in 1874, but also Duhousset's book, Le Cheval,
published that same year.29 This time Muybridge had achieved
the controversial result, "Occident trotting at a 2:27 gait." The
first reports of this were published on 3 August 1877 in the
Alta California and the San Francisco Bulletin. In 1878
Muybridge expanded the investigations, at Stanford's request, at
Palo Alto Farm, to which Stanford's horses had by then been
moved. He published six serial photographs and copyrighted the
set under the title The Horse in Motion. In the autumn of that
same year the news of his successful experiments reached a
national paper and thus a much wider public. The Scientific
American on 19 October 1878 printed a report under the title
"The Science of the Horse's Motion," which was illustrated
with 18 line drawings after Muybridge's photographs, thus
focusing international attention on the experiments in the Far
West. Meanwhile, Muybridge kept improving his experiments
and systematically developed the apparatus which he later
refined in his work at the University of Pennsylvania. During
these years he also developed the zoopraxiscope. He
demonstrated it in the Stanford home during an autumn
evening in 1879, again at the Stanford San Francisco home in
January 1880 and gave a first public showing of the "Magic
Lantern Zoetrope" in San Francisco to a small circle of artists
and critics in May 1880. At the same time he completed the
printing of his negatives and arranged them in elegantly bound
albums for presentation to Stanford in May 1881. The album
shown in Meissonier's portrait testifies to Stanford's pride in
having actively initiated, participated in and supported these
photographic experiments which led to the first instantaneous
pictures of the running horse.

The overwhelming response Muybridge received in Paris,
however, was perhaps less due to the photographs themselves
than to their demonstration with the zoopraxiscope. While the
individual stills tended to "freeze" single attitudes in isolation,
the zoetrope offered the possibility of creating an illusion of
coherent motion based on the persistance of vision. It is not
quite clear who first suggested to Muybridge the use of the
zoetrope in order to simulate the synthesis of movements which
he had been able to analyze in successive phases. The Scientific
American of 19 October 1878 had actually proposed this step,
and similar references were made in the San Francisco papers of
May 1880.30 Emile Duhousset in Paris and W. B. Tegetmeier in
London were the first to use Muybridge 's photographs in a
phenakostiscope and in Reynaud's praxiniscope. But Marey may
have given the decisive incentive, since the French scientist
could point to his own expertise and previous experiments. In
Animal Mechanism, the book Muybridge specifically mentioned
as the force inspiring and encouraging Stanford, Marey had
written:

"But it has occurred to us that, by depicting on the
apparatus figures constructed with care, and representing
faithfully the successive attitudes of the body ... we might
reproduce the appearance of the different kinds of progression
employed by man." 31

Later, in Le Mouvement, Marey described his own
experiments, which he had made as early as 1867. In order to
demonstrate the horse's movements the physiologist still had to
use analytical drawings as a means of achieving the synthesis of
individual successive attitudes. Twelve images were drawn on a
long strip of paper which, when placed in the zoetrope and
rotated, afforded a "concrete demonstration of the relations as
expressed in the chronographic notations."32 Thus, the French
scientist immediately visualized the use of instantaneous
photographs in a zoetrope and expressed his idea of an
"animated zoology" in his letter to La Nature. Speaking of
Muybridge's instantaneous photographs he wrote:

"And then what beautiful zoetropes he will be able to give
us; one will see all imaginable animals in their true gaits; this
will be animated zoology." [See Documents, C]

Instead of drawings which were merely transcriptions of
chronographic notations, Muybridge was now able to go a step
farther and substitute for these inconclusive images painted
copies of his correct analytical photographs. With his
complicated zoopraxiscope and instantaneous photographs

Muybridge was capable of achieving a far more convincing
illusion of coherent "moving pictures" projected in life-size
than anyone before him had been able to devise.

"Mr. Muybridge Showing His Instantaneous Photographs

of Animal Motion at The Royal Society"

The Illustrated London News, 25 May 1889, cover

Pig. 15 — Boa-relief Assyrien (British Museum). Unrhev.il
ft I'amble.

fi-i. 14. — Bas-relief iSgyptien (Medynel-Abou). Deux ctieTsui
alleles marctunt I 'amble.

I,. is — Uas-reliel en lonv cniU' ile I'i-|hmiii«- VoImjuc (VrtMrij
Trois clieva rcliaul au pa*.

I I ,. - I e i nvnlii r <-l In Mm i par Vllieil IKirer.
r.hcval an U'ol I I'm ill -miii.

niustrations of the representation of the horse in art that accompanied Marey's article
La Nature, 5 October 1878

Muybridge's Lecture Demonstrations and Publications

Stanford's and Muybridge's experiments in California were not
carried out in isolation, but in close reciprocity with Marey's
and Duhousset's work in Paris. During the decade of 1870-1880
both the Americans and the French had been intensely involved
in the study of animal locomotion. Before Marey contacted
Muybridge through La Nature in December 1878, their
individual efforts exactly paralleled each other in time as well
as in their objective. While the first national publication of
Muybridge's instantaneous photographs appeared in The
Scientific American of 19 October 1878, Tissandier published
almost simultaneously Marey's latest experiments and attempts
to represent animal locomotion, richly illustrated with
Duhousset's drawings in the 28 September and 5 October issues
of La Nature. Just as Marey's work influenced Stanford's and
Muybridge's photographic investigations, so did Duhousset
inspire the idea and design of Muybridge's lecture
demonstrations. Muybridge must have known not only
Duhousset's book Le Cheval, but also Marey's article in La
Nature with Duhousset's illustrations. In the second installment
Marey referred to precisely this book which had so evidently
shown the mistaken representations of the horse's gaits, and he
emphasized this point with Duhousset's illustrations,
confronting the correct drawings with erroneous examples,
which ranged from Assyrian reliefs to modern art. In
January of the following year Duhousset wrote about
Muybridge's achievements in L'lllustration, where he pointed
out again the possibility of applying the results of instantaneous
photography to the field of art. 33

i ■

1 X

Muybridge's "exhibitions" also reflect plans that he, Marey
and Meissonier had pursued in November and December of
1881 in Paris, to prepare "a work upon the Attitudes of
Animals in Motion as illustrated by the Assyrians, Egyptians,
Romans, Greeks, and the great masters of modern times." [See
Documents, F.]

It had been Stanford's pioneering mind and insistence on
using the camera to analyze the horse's movements that had
given new direction to Muybridge's work. Once confirmed in
his own success by the acclaim of their synthesis in the
zoopraxiscope, Muybridge sensed the relevance of his work for
art and began to build lectures around this aspect. Following
Marey, Duhousset and Meissonier, he developed his concept in
greater depth, and presented the subject of animal locomotion

Klii. 10. — Chev

An excerpt from Duhousset's article,
L'lllustration, 25 January 1879

in historical perspective and with regard to art. Contrasting
earlier error and "evidences of its absurdity" with the correct
analysis, he became convinced of the "acknowledgment by the
Artist of the necessity of reformation." The syllabus that he
printed later in Zoopraxography, 34 complemented by his slides
and disks, allows a fairly coherent reconstruction of the
demonstrations on "Zoopraxography or the Science of Animal
Locomotion in its Relation to Design in Art." After a
description of the camera equipment and his experiments, he
presented slides of sculptures, paintings and prints, all showing
the horse in each of its gaits, from "pre-historic, ancient,
medieval and modern times." He surveyed Assyrian reliefs,
examples of the Parthenon frieze, the Bayeux tapestry,
medieval manuscripts, monuments of rulers on horseback,
followed by paintings and prints by Vemet, Ge"ricault,
Delacroix, Meissonier and other contemporaries, and he
contrasted these traditional and erroneous representations with
his own "moving pictures" of animals in motion.

He had built the zoopraxiscope so that he could both show
slides and insert the disks to which painted copies of his
photographs had been transferred. The subjects he selected for

ft fe£>

One of Muybridge's illustrations of an "absurd" representation
Science Museum, London

the disks are often taken from the stock images popular with
the zoetrope: jumping or speeding horses, athletes, dancers and
animals in motion. The effect he achieved with his
"exhibitions" is well documented in the newspapers of the
1880s, which he meticulously collected. Later, he appended
long excerpts from this collection to Zoopraxography. Although
there was sceptical, polemical and critical reaction, too, the
over-all response was as favorable in London, Vienna, Berlin,
Munich, New York, Boston and Philadelphia, as it had been in
Paris. 3?

While Muybridge worked in Paris, Stanford returned to
America in December 1881 and went ahead with his own
publication of a scientific documentation of The Horse in
Motion, as Shown by Instantaneous Photography with a Study
on Animal Mechanics by Dr. J.D.B. Stillman (1882), in which
Muybridge is merely mentioned in Stanford's preface as the
photographer "employed." [see Documents, F]. Ironically, the
book did not ellicit the desired and expected response and led
to great disappointment for its author and sponsor. It was, in
fact, of no more lasting consequence than Duhousset's earlier
publication. The consecutive phases of the horse's gaits were
analytically presented in line drawings, but this alone created
no sensation. Only a combination of these results with the
"moving pictures" of Muybridge's zoopraxiscope, or the
sequential arrangement of the photographs reproduced in his
later Philadelphia publication, achieved success with a wider
public. Animal Locomotion (1887) appeared five years after
Stanford's unsuccessful effort. This elaborate opus offered 781
plates with more than 20,000 figures of "men, women, and
children, animals and birds, all actively engaged in walking,
galloping, flying, working, playing, fighting, dancing, or other
actions incidental to everyday life, which illustrate motion and
the play of muscles." This very expensive publication was
followed by two smaller volumes, Animals in Motion in 1899,
and The Human Figure in Motion two years later. For Animal
Locomotion Muybridge had designed a system of arranging the
individual photographs in linear sequence with several rows
filling one page, so that they overcame, at least to a degree, the
impression of single isolated positions. Read horizontally, the
instantaneous photographs strongly suggest the visual effect of
movement in time and space, although nothing in print could,
of course, compare with the continuum achieved by the
zoopraxiscope. It was precisely this time-space factor of
representing movement that was to stimulate developments in
the sciences and arts.

-— ^E~^cE_

Zoetrope strips, England, c. 1870
each strip is 6" deep
Oakland Museum

V J

II. The Impact of Muy bridge's Work on
Science and Art

Marey's mention of "phenomena of short duration," namely,
"the movement of waves or of the attitudes of men and
animals in their most rapid motions" refers to problems that
Leonardo had studied with intense effort centuries earlier. The
Codex Huygens, once attributed to Leonardo, contains some
drawings in the second book on human movement illustrating
successive phases in "cinematographic" fashion, as Panofsky
described them.36 Folio 22 illustrates the various stages of a
man rising, and folio 29 represents a figure, inscribed within a
circle, bending forward and backward. The consecutive stages
are not spread over the sheet, but are superimposed in one image.
Thus, a pictorial effect is achieved similar to Marey's
chronophotographs. In regard to the flight of birds, Paul Val£ry
thought that instantaneous photography had "corroborated"
the images of Leonardo's sketches, and it is most fascinating
to compare Leonardo's studies and drawings of his Codice sul
volo degli uccelli (1505) with Marey's researches and
photographs in Le Vol des oiseaux (1890). In his attempts to
comprehend the formation of waves and turbulances in water
and the flight of birds, Leonardo had clearly reached the limits
of visibility. Without the help of instruments the very speed of
these natural phenomena eluded his grasp. Centuries of
eye-straining observation did not permit painters to capture
what an instantaneous photograph recorded at Palo Alto Farm.

Muybridge had done. The novel visual effect of his
chronophotographs produced a striking illusion of motion,
although individual phases were not clearly visible, since their
contours were blurred by superimposed exposures. While
Muybridge's photographs arrested movement to serve correct
analysis, Marey's chronophotographs suggested spatio-temporal
continuity in a new pictorial manner. Both Muybridge and
Thomas Eakins were to later use adaptations of the "Marey-
Wheel" during the production of Muybridge's Animal
Locomotion at the University of Pennsylvania in 1884 and
1885. Marey's multiple images inspired Seurat, e.g., in his
painting Le Chahut (1889-90), 41 as well as the Futurist
concept, of which Giacomo Balla's Bambina che corre sul
balcone (1912) and Marcel Duchamp's Nude Descending a
Staircase (1912) are the examples most often quoted.42 In 1888
Marey turned to moveable film, and after first using rolls of
paper, he then replaced them with celluloid film, thus
constructing the immediate predecessor of the film camera;
Muybridge, with his zoopraxiscope, had developed a
forerunner of the film projector. [See Documents, I.]

In the same year, 1888, Muybridge envisioned, in a
consultation with Thomas A. Edison, the combination of
"moving pictures" with sound as a form of mass entertainment.
He speculated:

". . .as to the practicability of using that instrument (the
zoopraxiscope) in association with the phonograph, so as to
combine, and reproduce simultaneously, in the presence of an
audience, visible actions and audible words.43

Marey and Photography

When Muybridge arrived in Paris in August 1881, 38 he
brought along a series of instantaneous photographs of the
flight of pigeons which he had expressly made on the request
of the French scientist.39 Now Muybridge guided Marey's work
into a direction which determined the further course of his
studies. From this time on, the French physiologist applied
photography to his research, using the camera to record and
represent movement in all its phases. In 1882 Marey designed
the "photographic gun," which took twelve exposures on one
plate. Supported by the French government, he continued his
experiments in this direction on a large scale. With his multiple
exposures, he created a synthesis of movement in time and
space, rather than an analysis in sequential rows of images, as

The Response of Artists

While Muybridge continued and elaborated upon his Palo Alto
work at the University of Pennsylvania, the early influence of
his photographs was felt everywhere, and Marey was among the
first to recognize their significance:

"It is instantaneous photography in particular that has
exercised a noticeable influence upon the arts, because it allows
to fix in one authentic image phenomena of short duration, like
the movements of waves or of the attitudes of men and animals
in their most rapid motions." 44

Meissonier, Muybridge's ardent supporter and promoter, was
the first to admit this, and in all of his later paintings of horses,

E.-J. Marey, chronophotograph, 1882

he applied the new knowledge provided by the analytical
photographs. Before the publication of the Stanford/Muybridge
experiments, Meissonier had labored on one of the major
paintings of his Napoleon cycle, Friedland, 1807 (1875), now in
the Metropolitan Museum. This large canvas depicts Napoleon at
the height of his fame, in Friedland, during the battle. "The
idea was to show the Emperor Impassible, in the midst of
movement and struggle." The galloping curiassiers in the
foreground were much-admired and discussed among artists and
connoisseurs at the time. Thousands had crowded to see the
painting, "the happy apogee" of the cycle, as Meissonier had
himself described it, when it was exhibited for a few days at
the Cercle de la Place Vendome before being shipped to
America. When Meissonier later copied this painting in water
color in 1888. he made some changes as a result of Muybridge's
photographs.

Cabanel and Gerome, both present at Meissonier's reception,
also made use of Muybridge's work, and so did most of the
battle and horse painters in Europe as well as in America. The
impact of the photographs was far-reaching, for publications of
them were numerous, and there was hardly an art academy that
did not take up the subject in one way or another. Many of the
famous institutions had invited Muybridge for a presentation,
and were later among the subscribers to his Animal
Locomotion. So were many internationally known artists, as we
gather from the illustration of signatures and lists of subscribers
that Muybridge, always a tireless promoter of his own work,
published in a detailed appendix to his Zoopraxography.
Among the artists, academic painters outnumbered the

Codex Huygens, folio 22
Pierpont Morgan Library

w%m

J.-L.-E. Meissonier

Friedland, 1807 "1875"

oil on canvas 53V2 x 95'/2 in.

The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Gift of Henry Hilton, 1887

avant-garde, but the wide range of names gathered there reflects
the enormous response that Muybridge finally drew from the
art world: Alma-Tadema, Bonnat, Meissonier, Marks, Menzel,
Millais, Bouguereau, Carolus-Duran, Defregger, Gerome,
Herkomer, Kaulbach, Lenbach, Puvis de Chavannes, Rodin,
Whistler, to name a few.

Although not a subscriber to the later work, Edgar Degas
(1834-1917) saw the publication of the instantaneous
photographs in La Nature in 1878, and thereafter followed
Muybridge's work closely. While most of the contemporary
artists made a purely literal use of the analytical studies, Degas's
involvement with them, and with photography in general, is
much more complex.46 He was an ardent admirer of the
medium and a fine photographer himself, and he had a
perceptive eye for the unconventional pictorial elements which
photography offered. The numerous sketches Degas made of
horses and of dancers attest to his preoccupation with the
correct analysis of movement. He did not only use the new
photographic analysis in a general way, but he studied it
intently, making drawings and sculpture after some of the
plates in Animal Locomotion (the drawing of "Annie G. in
canter," after plate 620, and the sculpture of a Draught Horse
after "Johnson Hauling," plate 57 1).47

The passionate study of movement in science and art can be
followed throughout the nineteenth century. During the first
half of the nineteenth century the caricatural picture story,
unfettered by the conventions of academic art, had made its
point with a sequence of rapid movements following each other
in strips. At the end of the century, when scientific,
photographic and artistic searches had explored movement and
its representation to the threshold of the cinema, Edouard
Vuillard (1868-1940) made a number of drawings of his model
in cinematographic sequence. Degas and Vuillard were
enthusiastic photographers who did not hesitate to use the new
medium for their work. In the early 1890s, Vuillard made two
lithographs depicting young women in various poses, Llnterieur
aux cinq poses and L 'Atelier. At about the same time, the artist
also attempted to render successive movements of a model and
began to arrange individual studies in a sequential row so that
they strongly convey the idea of cinematographic progression.
The Stanford Museum recently acquired a drawing of a young
woman sewing and apparently in the process of trying on her
garment. At least two similar drawings are known, all done at
the same time. 48 In Germany, Franz von Lenbach

tj.Zfrfz.

o{/*iAy*°~v

Subscribers to Animal Locomotion

From Descriptive Zoopraxography, 1893

Rare Books and Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries

101

Thomas Eakins (1844-1916)

The Fairman Rogers Four-in-Hand "1879"

oil on canvas, 24 x 36 in., Philadelphia Museum of Art

Gift of William A. Dick

(1836-1904), the famous Munich portrait painter and a
subscriber to the Muybridge Philadelphia publication, was
fascinated by the new medium, and made extensive use of it
for his portraits from the 1890s. The painter used a sequence
of individual stills showing the sitter from different angles and
in slightly varied poses as well as enlargements. Such a series of
individual photographic studies does not render continuous
motion, but as multiple images arranged in a sequence, they
remind one strongly of a Muybridge page with which Lenbach
was very familiar.

In America, too, artists grasped immediately the novelty and
the potential of instantaneous photographs. Like Meissonier,
Thomas Eakins (1844-1916) applied the new knowledge in a
large painting, his first important Philadelphia commission, The
Fairman Rogers Four-in-Hand, 1879, now in the Philadelphia
Museum. 50 For this painting, originally called A May Morning
in the Park, he made drawings and even sculptures after
Muybridge's series of twelve photographs of Abe Edgington
trotting, taken in June 1878. At that time a set of six mounted
photographs of Muybridge's The Horse in Motion were for
sale; Eakins obtained a set. He certainly was aware of the
ambivalent reaction such an unconventional representation
would arouse, for he made use of the correct positions of the
trot, but abstained from applying the same analytical findings
for the turning wheels of the carriage, a fact that was severely
criticized by the American artist Joseph Pennell, Whistler's
friend and biographer, when he delivered a lecture at the
London Camera Club Conference in 1891 and vehemently
denied any pretension to regard photography as an art or to
upgrade its value for artists: "If you photograph an object in
motion, all feeling of motion is lost, and the object at once
stands still."51 In contrast to Marey, he believed that
instantaneous photographs could serve as mere suggestions "for
hints of swift action," but not more. Like Marey, Fairman
Rogers, "the intelligent art patron" and director of the
Philadelphia Academy, who had commissioned the painting
eleven years earlier, had no doubt at that time about the value
of Muybridge's photographs. [See Documents, D.] Other
American artists, like Frederick Remington, made ample use of
the analytical photographs of horses, but the connection
remained a rather superficial one, restricted as it was to the
exact rendering of the horse's gaits. Like the European
academic and battle painters, they were unable to see in any
other elements of Muybridge's pictures a stepping stone for
their art.

Muybridge and the Artists of the Twentieth Century

With the Futurist concern for the representation of movement
such narrow, literal interest in Muybridge was gradually
abandoned. While Frantisek Kupka's drawing Les Cavaliers
echoes the simulation of moving horses in a cinematographic
fashion, ' it was, above all, the sequential arrangement of
successive stills in Animal Locomotion, and the "extreme"
positions they revealed, that were to have a lasting impact after
the photographer was long dead and his once-sensational
zoopraxiscope had become a forgotten relic in the small
collection of the Central Library in his home town,
Kingston-upon-Thames. Twentieth-century artists grew
increasingly responsive to the pictorial potential of Muybridge's
serial pictures. It was the oddity and awkwardness of certain
stills, the apparent distortion and unexpected foreshortening of
moving bodies that attracted Francis Bacon. 53 Bacon became
so engrossed by Muybridge's photographs that he acquired an
intimate knowledge of hundreds of his images, especially of
subjects that went almost unnoticed in the nineteenth century,
like Muybridge's series Paralytic Child Walking on all Fours.
The stimulus that Muybridge's work radiated was manifold and
often indirect, such as we find it in the program and teaching
of the Bauhaus. But the new concepts proposed in Lazlo
Moholy-Nagy's book Malerei Fotografie Film (1925) 54 could
only evolve from the innovations of Muybridge and his
contemporaries. Andy Warhol was inspired by the sequential
arrangement of slightly varied images, as in his paintings of
1963; Warhol eventually turned to making motion pictures.

A Controversy of Aesthetics

Muybridge had become aware of the aesthetic problems of his
innovative photography by the utter shock and disbelief that
his truthful, but "ungraceful" and "extreme" images had
caused, and by the sceptical or ambivalent reaction among
artists and critics who questioned their value for art. For
centuries, the credo of artists had required the study of nature
and the truthful rendering of observation. How could this
principle be reconciled with pictures that contradicted all
conventional perception, but still were correct beyond all
doubt?

Georges Gueroult, in his article "Formes, Couleurs et

103

Right, Muy bridge, Sallie Gardner Running 1878

Zoopraxiscope disk

Central Library, Kingston-upon-Thames

Below, the "accepted idea" vs. photographic evidence

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Mouvements," in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts of 1882, criticized
precisely this extreme oddity of Muybridge's analytical
photographs:

"The attitudes are, for the most part, not only ungraceful,
but have a false and impossible appearance. The Americans,
great realists, . . .did not fail to prove Gericault and Vernet
wrong; they pretended that the photographs of Muybridge were
a sort of revelation which was to overthrow all accepted
notions of drawing the horse."

The author even declared that the Muybridge photographs
were "wrong," visually speaking, because they showed the
galloping horse as the human eye can never see it, and therefore,
at the end of his essay, he urged artists "to speak in their own
language. 55 Rodin, whose signature appears in the subscription
list to Animal Locomotion, emphasized this point when
questioned about how he would reconcile the truth revealed in
Muybridge's photographs with the traditional claim to copy
nature sincerely:

". . .it is the artist who is truthful and it is photography
which lies, for in reality time does not stop, and if the artist
succeeds in producing the impression of a movement which
takes several moments for accomplishment, his work is certainly
much less conventional than the scientific image, where time is
abruptly suspended.56

Rodin criticized contemporary French battle painters for the
literal application of Muybridge's findings. Eakins had been
reprimanded for the same, not because of the oddity of
individual positions, but because the single isolated still he used
did not convey the feeling of motion. Although Marey had
explicitly stated that he did not want to deal with the problems
of aesthetics, a field that was not his own, he repeatedly
pointed to the value of his and Muybridge's photographic
results for artists. Aware of the unexpected and odd attitudes
such photographic evidence revealed, he was convinced that
among the numerous positions of successive movement caught
by the camera, there surely would be one which the artist
could employ without offending the laws of traditional
aesthetics. Thus the artist would be able to achieve not only a
greater variety, but also a new representation of movement.5

Muybridge himself recognized clearly why the reaction of
artists was bound to be so ambivalent:

"If it is impressed on our minds in infancy that a certain
arbitrary symbol indicates an existing fact; if this same

association of emblem and reality is reiterated at the
preparatory school, insisted upon at college, and pronounced
correct at the university; symbol and fact — or supposed

fact become so intimately blended that it is extremely

difficult to disassociate them, even when reason and personal
observation teaches us that they have no true relationship." 58

Once the human mind has made the association of an image
with reality, even scientific proof has difficulties overcoming
the convention of such traditionally accepted "signs."

Paul Valery, who first wrote about Degas's fascination with
Muybridge's instantaneous photographs of horses, speculated
about the intricate connection between conventional perception
and the technical innovation:

"Muybridge's photographs laid bare all the mistakes that
sculptors and painters had made in their renderings of the
various postures of the horse. They showed how inventive the
eye is, or rather how much the sight elaborates on the data it
gives us as the positive and impersonal result of observation.
Between the state of vision as mere patches of color and as
things or objects, a whole series of mysterious operations takes
place, reducing to order as best it can the incoherence of raw
perceptions, resolving contradictions, bringing to bear judgments
formed since early infancy, imposing continuity, connection,
and the systems of change which we group under the labels of
space, time, matter, and movement. This was why the horse
was imagined to move in the way the eye seemed to see it; and
it might be that, if these old-style representations were
examined with sufficient subtlety, the law of unconscious
falsification might be discovered by which it seemed possible to
picture the positions of a bird in flight, or a horse galloping, as
if they could be studied at leisure; but these interpolated pauses
are imaginary. Only probable positions could be assigned to
movement so rapid, and it might be worthwhile to try to
define, by means of documentary comparison, this kind of
creative seeing by which the understanding filled the gaps in
sense perception"

The "issue over which the battle broke," as E.H. Gombrich
put it, was the galloping horse. 60Many modern artists were well
aware of the scientific basis of instantaneous and of
chronophotographs. In their novelty these photographs carried
conviction and pictorial potential: they provided the artist with
both truthful observation of nature and unprecedented images,
conveying and stimulating the very idea of movement. The time

105

dimension visually caught in single or in serial images created
totally new compositional formulae to represent movement in
time and space. Finally, the painter's fascination with
movement acquired not only a scientific basis, but a great
variety of pictorial models from the multiple and sequential
exposures of the camera.

Unaware of the far-reaching developments that the

photographic venture at Palo Alto Farm would engender,
Stanford had initiated a series of experiments which influenced
many fields: the accurate analysis of successive movements by
instantaneous photography and their synthesis with the
zoopraxiscope stimulated physiological and other scientific
research, inspired artists and, at the end of the century, led to
the creation of an entirely new medium, the one that has come
to dominate twentieth-century vision: the motion picture.

Notes

1. This article was reprinted in Scientific American,
Supplement, 28 January 1882.

2. E. Muybridge, Animals in Motion, London, 1899, p. 4.

3. he Globe, Paris, 27 September 1881: The article refers to the
applicability of Muybridge 's work for artists and to a remark
by Marey, who first drew a parallel between instantaneous
photographs and Japanese prints: "lis [the artists]
s'habitueront, comme le disait M. Marey, It peindre le vrai
aussi bien que les Japonais (pour les oiseaux), et a le faire
accepter au public." [For another excerpt from the article,
see Documents, I.]

4. Muybridge in his description of the zoopraxiscope, op. cit., p.
4.

5. Muybridge to Frank Shay, Leland Stanford's private
secretary. [See Documents F, for full texts of the two letters,
which are in the Collis P. Huntington Collection of the
George Arents Research Library, Syracuse University.]

6. This project, announced in the letter of 23 December 1881,
and the question of the copyright of Muybridge 's
photographs certainly contributed to the change in
Stanford's attitude toward Muybridge. The ambitious plan
for the French publication never materialized. [See Robert
Haas's biography for a discussion of the change in the
relationship between Muybridge and his patron.]

7. Gaston Tissandier, "Les Allures du cheval. Representees par
la photographic instantanee," La Nature, 14 December 1878,
pp. 23-26, with heliogravure illustrations.

8. Marey began his research with a study of blood circulation,
Physiologic mfdicale de la circulation du sang, Paris, 1863. In
all of his publications after 1881 he emphasized the great
value of the photographic method for his work. In several of

his books he described the Muybridge system and also gave
credit to Stanford for his pioneering application of
photography to problems of animai locomotion. Cf.
particularly, Developpement de la methode grcphique par
I'emploi de la photographic Supplement a la methode
graphique, Paris, 1885, pp. 7-12. Marey's own works provide
the best source for any study of his physiological research
and the development of his photographic methods and the
cameras he constructed for his investigations.

9. Marey's letter, dated 18 December 1878, was published in La
Nature for 28 December 1878, p. 54, and Muybridge's
answer, dated 17 February 1879, appeared in the issue of 22
March, 1879, p. 246. [For the texts of the two letters, see
Documents, C]

10. E. J. Marey, Animal Mechanism, a Treatise on Terrestrial and
Aerial Locomotion, London and New York, 2nd ed., 1874,
The International Scientific Series, vol. XI, p. 138 and pp.
147-148. The first French edition appeared in 1873 under
the title La Machine animale, locomotion terrestre et
aerie nne

Other physiological research was carried out at the same
time, cf. J. Bell Pettigrew, Animal Locomotion, London,
International Scientific Series, vol. VII, 1872. Earlier
investigations include the analytical attempts made by the
Weber brothers; by Wachter, who published in 1862 a series
of drawings illustrating the gallop; and by Raabe. Helmut and
Alison Gernsheim, in The History of Photogrcphy, London,
1969, pp. 435-436, even refer to earlier suggestions, which
went in the same direction as the Stanford/Muybridge
experiments: "In 1860 Thomas Rose, an amateur
photographer, suggested using 100 stereoscopic cameras in a

106

row, giving exposures of 1/6 second at intervals of the same
duration. The positive prints were to be mounted in pairs on
a large phenakistiscope disk, which, when revolving, would

reproduce the action of life in stereoscopic relief i.e. a

three-dimensional "moving picture". (From The
Photographic News, 18 May 1860, p. 33.) Cf. also: Beaumont
Newhall, The History of Photography, Museum of Modern
Art, New York, 1949, chapter 7, "The Conquest of Action,"
pp. 103-118.

11. Emile Duhousset, Le Cheval, Paris, 1874. Another book
devoted to the study of the horse and its gaits had appeared
the year before: Emile Debost, Cinesie Equestre, Paris, 1873,
but the author did not consider representations of the horse
in art.

12. Duhousset not only provided illustrations for Marey's Animal
Mechanism, but also for the long article which Marey had
published in two installments in La Nature two months
before Tissandier broke the news of Muybridge's successful
experiments, cf. Marey, "Moteurs animes. Experiences de
physiologie graphique," La Nature, 28 September and 5
October 1878. In these articles, Marey published a lecture he
had given at the French Association for the Advancement of
Science in August. In Animal Mechanism, p. 152, Marey
specifically acknowledged his indebtedness to Duhousset 's
experiments and to his faithful translations of the graphic
notations. Later, in La Chronophotographie, Paris, 1899,
Marey again noted how close these drawings came to the
positions of the horse as revealed in Muybridge's photographs
(P. 8).

13. Philippe Burty, "L'Oeuvre de M. Meissonier et les
photographies de M. Bingham," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, Vol.
XX, January 1866, pp. 78-89.

14. All references and quotations after the English translation:
Vallery K.O. Greard, Meissonier, His Life and His Art, 2
Vols., London, 1897; this reference, Vol. I, p. 78.

15. "In the days before photography it was very difficult to work
from actual data." Greard, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 326.

16. Paul Meyerheim, Adolf von Menzel, Erinnerungen, Berlin,
1906, pp. 97-102.

17. Greard, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 78.

18. Ibid., Vol.11 p. 266.

19. G. Potonnie, Cent ans de photographie, 1839-1939, Paris,
Societe" d'histoire generale et d'histoire diplomatique, classe
de Vhistoire des sciences, I, 1940, p. 158. No source is given
for this episode.

20. Date given by Muybridge in his article published in the San
Francisco Examiner, 6 February 1881. [See Documents, E.]

21. In the English translation the text reads: "He asked me to
paint her portrait." The reference to "her" certainly is a
mistranslation of the French text, Meissonier, ses

souvenirs ses entretiens. Precedes d'une etude sur sa vie et

son oeuvre par M.O. Greard, Paris, 1897, pp. 194-195. It is
not clear from the sentence if Meissonier meant Mrs. or Mrs.
Stanford's portrait, but he did paint only one portrait, that
of Leland Stanford, now in the Stanford Museum. Historical
fact and the context of the whole paragraph make it quite
clear that the translation should read; "He asked me to paint
his portrait." This has caused some confusion in the
literature.

22. The usual estimate of the costs of these experiments is
around $40,000. Exaggerated rumors about Stanford's
expenses circulated in America as well as in Europe, and, if
this account is correct, were evidently not disallowed by
Stanford.

23. Gre'ard, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 267.

24. The Attitudes of Animals in Motion: A Series of Photographs
Illustrating the Consecutive Positions Assumed by Animals in
Performing Various Movements. "Executed at Palo Alto,
California, in 1878 and 1879, Copyright 1881, by
Muybridge."

25. This article, signed VAL and dated "Paris, June 26, 1881,"
appeared in the Sacramento Daily Record-Union, 23 July
1881 under the title: "How Governor Stanford Converted
Meissonier. The Great Horse Painter Finds that He Has Been
in Error as to the Horse all His Life." The author must refer
to Stanford's second visit to Meissonier's studio in June
1881, when he brought along a bound volume of Muybridge's
photographs. At this time the French painter knew of
Muybridge's work through Marey and the prints which
Stanford must have shown him in 1879, during his first visit.

26. Muybridge, dedication page of The Attitudes of Animals in
Motion.

27. Gre'ard, op. cit., II, p. 289: "Leland Stanford, Governor of
California, asked me to paint his portrait in 1881. I had it
engraved for him by Jules Jacquet. His cane was introduced
for a special reason. It was the one he always used. He prized
it greatly, for on the handle was a little gold plate, made from
the first nugget he found, the foundation of his

fortune. On the table by the side of the famous cane lies

an open album. It contains the first horses and animals in
motion photographed by the American Muridge." (With the
wrong spelling of Muybridge's name in the English
translation). According to Muybridge, Stanford paid $10,000
for his portrait. [Letter of 28 November 1881, see
Documents, F].

28. G.T. Clark, Leland Stanford, War Governor of California,
Railroad Builder and Founder of Stanford University,
Stanford University Press, 1931, p. 343.

29. Potonnie, op. cit., p. 125, without source. Cf. also Marey, La
Chronphotographie, pp. 6-8.

107

30. Robert Taft, Photography and the American Scene, New
York, 1938; new edition, New York, Dover, 1964, p. XIII, n.
8. Tegetmeier reported his presentation in the Field, London,
28 June 1879. Other references in: San Francisco Bulletin, 5
May 1880 and Alta California of the same date.

31. Marey, Animal Mechanism, p. 137. Marey adds that Carlet
and Mathias Duval, professor of anatomy at the Ecole des
Beaux-Arts, carried out this plan.

32. Marey, Le Mouvement, Paris, 1894, pp. 300-301.

33. Duhousset, "Reproduction instantanee des allures du cheval,
au moyen de l'electricite appliquee a la photographie,"
L'lllustration, 25 January 1879. Muybridge's collection of
newspaper clippings also includes an advertisement of
Duhousset's book from Journal Amusant, 7 June 1879.

34. E. Muybridge, Zoopraxography, or the Science of Animal
Locomotion Made Popular, University of Pennsylvania,
1893. His Appendix A, pp. 1-2 gives a detailed syllabus of the
lectures and an abbreviated list of the subjects on some of his
disks. "Abbreviated Criticism," Appendix A, pp. 4-34.
Appendix B, pp. 8-14, lists the subscribers to the Philadelphia
publication. The original glass positives that Muybridge used
for his lectures are now in the Museum and Art Gallery at
Kingston-upon-Thames and in the Science Museum, London.

35. For the enthusiastic as well as the critical response, see also
Aaron Scharf, Art and Photography, London, 1968, in his
chapter "The Representation of Movement in Photography
and Art", pp. 162-178.

36. Erwin Panofsky, The Codex Huygens and Leonardo da
Vinci's Art Theory, Studies of the Warburg Institute, vol. 13,
London, 1940, see particularly fols. 22 and 29, pp. 27-29
with figs. 10 and 13.

37. Paul Vale'ry, Degas Danse Dessin, Paris, Vollard, 1936, p. 60.

38. In Le Mouvement, p. 108, Marey gives August as the month
of Muybridge's arrival in Paris.

39. Le Mouvement, p. 108. In Physiologie du mouvement. Le
Vol des oiseaux, Paris, 1890, p. 131, after describing
Muybridge's method of taking instantaneous photographs,
Marey again mentions the photographs of pigeons which he
had brought along to Paris, and points to the differences of
Muybridge's method and his own, which he had developed in
the meantime. Whereas the Muybridge method did not
produce successive photographs of flying birds which could
be arranged, like those of galloping horses, in a series, Marey 's
photographic gun enabled him to take such pictures; he
published them in this book.

40 In an excellent study, "Eakins, Muybridge and the Motion
Picture Process", Art Quarterly, Vol. XXVI, Summer 1963,
pp. 194-216, W.I. Homer, with J. Talbot, stressed the fact
that Eakins's contribution to the development of the motion
picture consisted in the perfection of methods and devices

constructed and used earlier by Marey and Muybridge, rather
than in an innovative mechanism of his own. Homer and
Talbot also pointed out that Muybridge worked with a
modification of the "Marey-Wheel" in 1884. Eakins made
analytical drawings of the Muybridge photographs based on
Marey's diagrams as well as sketches and sculpture from the
Edgington series for his painting The Fairman Rogers
Four-in-Hand.

41. In a letter to the Burlington Magazine, "Concerning
Muybridge, Marey and Seurat," Vol. 104, September 1962,
pp. 391-392, W.I. Homer contested this connection that
Scharf had made earlier in "Painting, Photography and the
Image of Movement," ibid.. Vol. CIV, 1962, pp. 186-195.
Even if there was no direct influence, it seems unlikely that
Seurat was unaware of Marey's researches. For further
discussion, cf. A. Scharf, Art and Photography, pp. 177-178.

42. For the impact of Marey's chronophotographs, see also A.
Scharf, op. cit., and, more general, O. Stelzer, Kunst und
Photographie, Munich, 1966. Balla's and Duchamp's
paintings were also exhibited in Malerei nach Fotografie, von
der Camera Obscura bis zur Pop Art, Munich, Stadtmuseum,
1970, cat. nos. 982 and 987. The well-documented catalogue
is by J. A. Schmoll gen. Eisenwerth.

43. Muybridge, Animals in Motion, p. 4

44. Marey, Le Mouvement, p. 165.

45. Greard, op. cit., II, pp. 306-306, quotes the letter which
Meissonier wrote about the painting to Mr. Stewart of New
York, the purchaser. [See also Documents, G.] Meissonier
had worked on the painting over a period of ten years. About
the galloping cuirassiers, p. 307; the watercolor, p. 309;
about the concept of the entire Napoleon cycle, pp. 298-299.
Like every other figure in the painting, each horse had its
own dossier of studies.

According to E. Duhousset, Le Cheval dans la nature at dans
L'art, Paris, 1902, Meissonier copied the painting in a
watercolor larger than the original oil for the Exposition
universelle, 1889 (now in the Huntington Hartford
Collection) and he made only minor modifications.
Duhousset states that it was painful for Meissonier to accept
the positions of galloping horses as they were revealed in
instantaneous photographs. But whereas Meissonier made
only slight modifications for the watercolor 1807, in later
years he modeled in wax a rider after a Muybridge
photograph for the painting Le matin de la bataille de
Castiglione, which was shown with the wax model in a small
exhibition at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in 1892.

46. For Degas 's attitude toward, and use of photography, see A.
Scharf, "Painting, Photography, and the Image of
Movement," Burlington Magazine, CIV, 1962, pp. 186-195,
and in Art and Photography, chapters eight and nine, an

108

47.

48.

49.
50.

extremely detailed, well-documented and well-illustrated
discussion.

Van Deren Coke, The Painter and the Photograph, New
Mexico University Press, 1964, p. 15.

A very closely related drawing of probably the same model is
reproduced in Art News Annual, XXIII, 1954, p. 55, titled
Studies of a Japanese Model and dated ca. 1900. Another
sketchbook drawing which depicts a woman sewing in seven
successive individual studies is reproduced in: E. Vuillard,
Cahiers de dessins, note by J. Salomon and preface by A.
Vaillant, Paris, 1950 (no pagination). For Vuillard 's own
photography and use of it for his work, see the catalogue of
the exhibition Vuillard et son Kodak, London, Lefevre
Gallery, March 1964.

Malerei nach Fotografie, op. cit., pp. 75-90 with illustrations.
Eakins entered into correspondence with Muybridge in 1879;
he suggested a new system of marking the background against
which the horses were photographed for more accurate
measurement. He had lantern slides made from the series, and
used them for instruction at the Philadelphia Academy.
Gordon Hendricks has discussed A May Morning in the Park
in great detail: Bulletin of the Philadelphia Museum of Art,
Spring, 1965, pp. 49-64, and also the correspondence
between Eakins and Muybridge, and between Fairman Rogers
and Muybridge. The article is a detailed documentation of
the connection between Eakins' work on the painting and
Muybridge's photographic analysis of the horse's trot. See
also: L. Goodrich, Thomas Eakins, New York, 1933; and B.
Newhall, "Photography and the Development of Kinetic
Visualization," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes, VII, London, 1944, pp. 40-45.
The exhibition catalogue by Gordon Hendricks, Thomas

Eakins: His Photographic Works, Pennsylvania Academy of
the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 1969, documented in several
instances how often Eakins used his own photographs for
paintings, and further, how much he regarded photography as
a part of his work.

Joseph Pennell, "Photography as a Hindrance and Help to
Art," British Journal of Photography, London, 8 May 1891,
Vol. 38, pp. 294-296.

Exhibited in Malerei nach Fotografie, cat. no. 980.
J. Rothenstein and R. Alley, Francis Bacon, London 1964,
deal extensively with the relationship between Muybridge's
photographs and Bacon's paintings. More general: J. Russell,
Francis Bacon, London, 1971, pp. 109-113.
Bauhausbucher 8, Munich, 1925. The first English edition:
Painting, Photography, Film, with a note by H. Wingler and a
postscript by O. Stelzer, London, 1969.

G. Gueroult, "Formes, Couleurs et Mouvements," Gazette des
Beaux-Arts, 2nd period, Vol. 25, Paris, 1882, p. 178 and 179.
Quoted after the English translation, Paul Gsell, On Art and
Artists, London, 1958, p. 91. The original French edition
appeared in 1911.
57. Marey, Photographie du mouvement, Paris, 1892, particularly
p. 56 and pp. 62-64.

Muybridge, Animals in Motion, p. 164.

Quoted after the English translation by D. Paul, Paul Valery,
Degas, Manet, Morisot, introduction by D. Cooper, Vol. XII of
the collected works, New York, 1960, p. 41. First published
in 1936.
60. E.H. Gombrich, "Moment and Movement in Art, "Journal of
the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXVII, 1964, pp.
296-297 in regard to Muybridge.

52.
53.

54.

58
59

Frangoise Forster-Hahn is Curator of the Stanford University
Museum of Art and Lecturer, Stanford University

109

Documents

Selected and annotated by Anita Ventura Mozley and J. Sue Porter

A. Technical Matters

"A New Sky Shade"

Under this title, Muybridge published
details of a device that made it possible to
vary exposure times on a single plate, thus
compensating for the difference in
sensitivity of his plates to different colors
in the landscape. The article appeared in
the prestigious journal of photography,
The Philadelphia Photographer, edited by
Edward L. Wilson, Vol. V., May, 1869, and
is reprinted here through the kind help of
Beaumont Newhall. It is signed "Helios, "
the pseudonym Muybridge used for his
photographic work until he published his
Yosemite series of 1872.

I have been reading with some interest
M. Carey Lea's article "On New
Diaphragms," in the February number of
the Photographer, and foreseeing certain
disadvantages and inconveniences by the
use of the diaphragms therein proposed, I
submit to your notice a sky-shade, which I
have had in use some time, with the
exception of a minor arrangement included
here, and which I think will be found to
embrace all the advantages claimed either
for the perforated metal shade of Mr. Lea,
or the inclined diaphragm of Mr. Sutton,
with the addition of greater adaptability
and simplicity in use.

A, is the camera front supporting the
lenses a a. B is a frame of wood of a
suitable size, and extending outward from
the camera-front as far as convenient,
without obstructing any portion of the
view it is desirable to include in the
negative. C, C, are grooves in which the

shutter, Fig. 2, is kept in place. D, D, D,
are sections of rubber tubing, to break the
force of the shutter in a rapid descent. E,
E, are springs, forced inward in its descent
by the projecting top of the shutter, H, and
in their relaxation preventing any rebound
of the shutter. M1 and M2 are
spring-catches, the lower to hold the
shutter up while focussing, the upper for
the same purpose when an instantaneous
exposure is desired. Fig. 2 is a rear view of
the shutter (i.e. of the part towards the
camera), made of wood, and as light as is
consistent with its duties. H, is a bar of
wood firmly attached to the shutter
proper, G. O, 0, are vertical bars attached
to G, moving in the grooves, C, C, acting as
guides when the shutter is elevated, and
also as supports to an iron rod, I, to which
they are connected by a leather hinge at
the line, V; the rod, I, is of greater length
than the width of the frame, and works
outside, or rather in front of it. K, is a
piece of black cloth, which is attached to
the iron rod, I, at its upper part, and to the
bottom of the frame, B, at its lower part.
The manner of using the apparatus is
self-evident. The frame, B, being attached
to the camera, the springs, E, E, are
compressed when the shutter rises a short
distance by the expansion of the rubber
springs, D, D; the shutter is now elevated
and supported by the spring-catch, M ,
and the focussing is performed (in my
camera the frame is about two inches deep,
but I have an arrangement to extend it
three or four inches further from the front
of the camera if necessary; a simple piece
of board cut into steps on either side, and
the focussing-cloth does duty as a shade for
the space left open at the top). This done,
the shutter is released from the

lujl

110

Muybridge's lateral sky-shade, 1879
Stanford University Museum of Art

spring-catch, M , and allowed to fall to the
sky-line, which is carefully noted by means
of the scale, F, Fig. 1, and the pin, L, Fig.
2. It is convenient to divide the scale into
one-eighth inches; this will be found near
enough for practical purposes. A
correspondingly adapted scale may be
drawn on the focussing-screen; this,
however, will perhaps lead to confusion, as
each lens will require a different scale. I
content myself by fixing the shutter in
place when the sky-line is reached, and
then examining the indicating-pin in front.
The middle distances are now noted, and
the shutter drawn up and fastened by the
catch, M , when the sky is sufficiently
bright, or the lenses sufficiently rapid for
an "instantaneous" exposure, the shutter is
released, and the time occupied by the
exposure is regulated by the size of the
opening, P, Fig. 2. If a more lengthened
exposure is desired, it is best first to raise
the shutter to the height required, and give
the necessary exposure to the sky, then
lower it and give the middle distances what
additional time is requisite, and finally
complete the exposure of the foreground;
it, of course, being understood that the
required exposure of the foreground is
longer than that for objects at greater
distance; should that not be the case, the
shutter can readily be moved or adapted to
give middle or distant objects any
comparative exposure necessary, by having
a false front attached by thumbscrews or
other contrivances at R, R; in this event
either side may be made to drop lower

than the other if required, as indicated by
the dotted line, S, Fig. 2. When, however,
as is sometimes the case, one side of a
picture requires a longer exposure to
obtain detail than the other, openings, N,
N, Fig. 1, can be made in the sides of the
frame, and a shutter, Fig. 3, with openings
of suitable size, T, T, made therein, and, if
accurately made, and the lenses are exact (I
have presumably written for stereoscopic
work all through), the portion of the image
resulting from each lens will be
correspondingly shaded by moving the
shutter in the required direction. x

It is highly probable this apparatus may
not be new to many of your readers, but I
do not recollect observing either in your or
any other photographic journal, a
description of anything, for the purpose
intended, I find so convenient or useful. A
more elaborate apparatus for the extension
or contraction of the shade can be made
upon the principle of the bellows, and
worked by a rack and pinion if desired,
but, for almost all operators, the present
form will be all-sufficient.

It is just possible, a description of my
focussing-cloth for field-work, may not be
uninteresting to a few of your readers. I
prefer, for many reasons, a draw-shutter to
my plate-holder that comes entirely out,
and before adopting my present cloth, was
frequently troubled with light-struck
plates. It is large, of course, covering the
camera with about three-feet drop from
the bottom all around, and covered with
white cotton cloth outside. On one side

(the right) I have an attachment like the
sleeve to a coat, so fashioned, with an
opening at the bottom large enough to
insert the hand; the cloth being fastened
under the camera, I draw out the
plate-holder shutter into this sleeve or bag,
as it may be called, and let it hang down
out of the way until the exposure is
complete; you will readily see the light has
no chance of getting to the plate while the
shutter is being withdrawn. The white
covering is a great protection, keeping both
the head and the camera cool.

HELIOS

San Francisco, March, 1869

A Question of Quality

Muybridge joined Bradley & Rulofson's
Gallery after his Yosemite expedition of
1872; his old publisher, Houseworth,
retaliated by putting a worn and badly
mounted print from the Yosemite series in
his window. The print carried the Bradley
& Rulofson name. The following exchange
was published in the Alta California on
several successive issues in 1873:

"Messrs. Bradley and Rulofson are
much obliged to Mr. Houseworth for
giving their names a place in his window;
but attaching them to an old, soiled print
from a condemned negative of Muybridge's
(neither print nor negative being made by

111

them), shows to what a wretched strait the
poor gentleman is driven in a fruitless
effort to compete in business."

Houseworth replied:

"Thomas Houseworth and Co.— To the
public in general, and a reply to the card of
Bradley and Rulofson — The Yosemite View
exhibited by us in our window is one of a
set of forty furnished to a subscriber by
Bradley and Rulofson for the sum of $100
and bears their name as the publishers. The
View is a fair sample of the lot which was
sold to me at a heavy discount on the cost
and is now in the same condition as when
received by the original purchaser. We
would further remark that we had tried to
purchase from these gentlemen some of
their views and they positively refused to
sell us, for reasons which we leave others to
judge."

The editor then got the following comment
from Muy bridge:

"Aesop in one of his fables related that
a miserable little ass, stung with envy at the
proud position the lion occupied in the
estimation of the forest residents, seized
some shadowy pretext of following and
braying after him with the object of
annoying and insulting him. The lion
turning his head and observing from what a
despicable source the noise proceeded,
silenty pursued his way, intent upon his
own business, without honoring the ass
with the slightest motion. Silence and
contempt, says Aesop, are the best
acknowledgements for the insults of those
whom we despise."

On Bradley & Rulofson,
Muybridge's Publishers 18742

In July, 1874, the Philadelphia
Photographer announced the award of the
medal in their initial prize competition to
Bradley & Rulofson, who "sent us six
negatives of the same subject, all equally
perfect, being absolutely without spot or

Brandenburg Album, p. 98

blemish. . . . They are among the purest
specimens of photography it has ever been
our good fortune is inspect. " The issue
carried a print of one of the negatives
(reproduced in R. Taft, Photography and
the American Scene, New York, 1964, p.
332; a print of one of the other negatives
of the same subject appears on p. 98 of the
Brandenberg Album, see illustration),
letters from Rulofson and his operator, Mr.
Taylor, and the views of the working parts
of the Bradley & Rulofson establishment
reproduced here. The material is reprinted
through the courtesy of Beaumont Newhall
and The International Museum of
Photography, Rochester, New York.

Rulofson to Wilson, Editor of the
Philadelphia Photographer ("San
Francisco, May 13th, 1874")

Friend Wilson:

I herewith forward to you a note from
Mr. Taylor, giving our formulae for
working, and containing some of his views
on the subject, but I must confess I would
not have you understand that I indorse all
he says on the subject, of the relative
quality of San Francisco work, nor the
causes to which he ascribes the assumed
superiority, while I would be slow to
detract from the industry, perseverance,
and skill of our photographers. I think it
but fair to admit that they possess some
climatic advantages not enjoyed elsewhere
in America. I don't regard the light as
superior in actinic power to that of the
Atlantic States; but we do possess a more
even temperature, the thermometer seldom
rising above 75 ° or falling below 60 , with
a slightly humid atmosphere, presenting
the most favorable conditions for delicate
chemical processes involving the use of
volatile substances. And a Californian's
proverbial modesty causes us to cast about
for some natural cause to which to
attribute any superiority, which our friends
may kindly ascribe to our productions.

I send herewith a plan of our gallery,
from the street entrance to elevator, to the
roof; there are in all twenty-nine rooms,
reasonably adapted to their several uses.
You will observe that we formerly
occupied the corner building only; we then
cut through into the adjoining building on
Sacramento Street, and later, effected an
entrance into the one on Montgomery
Street. We are now giving employment to
thirty-four hands all told. We employ six
Chinese; they are faithful, industrious, and
expert, valuable aids in the l.'ounting and
finishing department.3

We made several attempts to obtain an
interior negative of our reception-room, of
which we are proud, but failed, owing to
the long exposure required, and the throng
constantly interrupting. . . .
William H. Rulofson

112

D.B. Taylor to Wilson ("San Francisco,
May 4th, 1874")

Dear Sir:

In obedience to your request, I give you
my formula by which the prize negatives
were made. It is an old and long-used
formula, but I think there is not better
when carefully used.

COLLODION.

Ether and Alcohol, equal parts.

Cotton, 6 grains to ounce.

Iodide of Ammonium, 4V2 grains.

Bromide of Potassium, 2 grains.

Silver bath 40 grains, slightly acid.

DEVELOPER

Water, 96 ounces

Iron, 6 ounces

Acetic Acid, 10 ounces

Alcohol, 6 ounces

The above is the formula I have worked
for the last four years, all the time I have
been with Bradley & Rulofson, and our
negatives, in quality, improve from year to

year not by trying every newfangled

notion that comes along, but by giving our
closest attention to the details of the
process. I have worked in photography for
the last sixteen years in the Eastern and
Western States, and have met more
thoroughbred photographers in San
Francisco than I ever saw in my life before.
This city has the reputation of making
some of the finest photographs in the
Union, and I might say the world, and it

is all due to the careful, hard workers in
photography. The climate has nothing to
do with it. Work, work does it; work is the
word with us.
D.B. Taylor
Operator with B. & R.

Copy Photographs 1877

The following article on Muybridge's
proposal of November, 1877, to
photographically copy the Santa Clara
County records is from the San Jose
Mercury for 9 November 1877. (Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 10.) Shortly before this,
Muy bridge had published his photograph

The two upper floors of Bradley & Rulofson's Gallery, 1874.

MONTGOM ERV ST.

MONTGOMERY ST

of Occident Trotting at Full Speed, "an
Automatic Electro-Photograph." The
proposal to photocopy the records was
turned down by the Committee of the
Board of Supervisors, chiefly because the
amount of money required was "more than
they could secure in a lump/'
Photocopying machines were finally
installed in the County Offices in 1949?

"The Muy bridge Process"

Mr. E.J. Muybridge, the San Francisco
photographer, who offers to photograph
the county records, arrived in this city
yesterday, and at 2 P.M. appeared before a
committee from the Board of Supervisors
and a number of prominent citizens for the
purpose of explaining the process and
answering such questions as might be
propounded. He brought with him for the
inspection of the committee a copy of the
Mexican records made in 1858 for
reference in the case of the United States
vs. Jose Y. [sic] Limantour.6 A perfect
facsimile of every document was given, and
though nearly twenty years have elapsed
since the photographing was done, the
records are in as good condition apparently
as when just copied. He said that by the
photographing process the copy would be
more distinct where ink was yellow or
faded in the original, but there would be
no improvement at where the original
showed signs of wear. He offered to copy
25 books, or 15,000 pages, for 35 cents per
page for one book. If a second copy was
desired he would furnish it for 13 cents per
page. Mr. Hardy, County Recorder, stated
that the books would average about three
and one-half folios to a page, which at 12
cents per folio would amount to 42 cents.
W.W. Wright, the well known San Jose
photographer, who was present, gave it as
his opinion that the proposition of Mr.
Muybridge was a liberal one and that he
had figured it down to the lowest notch.
He felt satisfied the work would be well
done. Mr. Muybridge further stated that he
would also furnish the paper necessary for
the work, the county to do the binding.
The matter was taken under advisement

and a report will be handed in at the
December meeting of the Board.

Muybridge's Testimonials 1878-79

Muy bridge's testimony to Dallmeyer lenses
is reprinted from Anthony's Photographic
Bulletin (New York), September 1878
(letter dated "San Francisco, Aug. 17,
1878"). The London firm of Dallmeyer is
often citted in The Philadelphia
Photographer of the period as the
manufacturer of superior lenses. (Kingston
Scrapbook, p. 32.)

Messrs. E. & H.T. Anthony & Co.
Dear Sirs :

I must say the partial success I have met
with must be attributed to the
extraordinary rapidity and wonderful
depth of focus of the Dallmeyer lenses. In
my next experiments I intend reducing the
exposure to the 5,000 part of a second,
and am confident, with some slight
modification of my chemicals, to obtain
better results than the present.

I have more than sixty lenses of
Dallmeyer's manufacture in my equipment,
and have used them exclusively, within the
Arctic Circle and under the Equator, at an
elevation of 10,000 feet and beneath the
waters of our Bay. with exposures

varying from 18 hours to less than the
2,000 part of a second, and must candidly
confess I cannot afford to use any other.
Faithfully yours,
Muybridge

Under the heading "Fast Horses and
Well-Made Apparatus, "Muybridge's letter
in praise of the manufacturer's cameras
(dated "San Francisco, May 23rd, 1879")
was printed in Photographic Times for July
1879. (Kingston Scrapbook, p. 52.)

Scovill Manufacturing Co., 419 and 421
Broome Street, New York:

The Camera duly arrived. In reference
to it I scarce know which emotion to
express most emphatically, delight or

astonishment; probably the former, as the
thirty Cameras of your manufacture which
I have now in use afforded me ample right
to expect your skillful assistants would
have abundant genius to accomplish most
successfully the task imposed upon them.
In simplicity of design, adaptability to any
possible purpose, facility of use, strength
of construction, suitability of material
selected, extreme lightness, and elegance of
finish, this Camera affords abundant
evidence of the remarkable skill of your
operatives, and the comprehensive
resources of your manufactory [sic] . I very
much question whether ever before was
there constructed an 8 x 10 Camera
equally well adapted for the studio or the
field, and so convenient for any required
purposes, whether with one or a pair of
lenses of focal length ranging from 2V2 to
26 inches, and weighing 5V2 lbs. only.
Permit me to congratulate you.
Muybridge

Muybridge's Patents 1879

On 27 June 18 78, Muybridge filed an
application for letters patent on an
"Improvement in the Method and
Apparatus for Photographing Objects in
Motion." On 11 July 1878, he filled
another application for letters patent on
the same subject. Both patents were issued
by the United States Patent Office on 4
March 1879. The first was issued as Patent
No. 212,865; the second as Patent No.
212,864. Muybridge's introductions to
both patents are given below and are
illustrated with the drawings that
accompanied the issued patents. The
drawings are reproduced through the
courtesy of Robert B. Haas.

No. 212,865 (application filed 27 June
1878)

Be it known that I, Edward [sic] J.
Muybridge, of the city and county of San
Francisco, State of California, have

114

invented certain Improvements in Taking
Instantaneous Photographs of Objects in
Motion; and I do hereby declare that the
following is a full, clear, and exact
description thereof, reference being had to
certain drawings accompanying this
specification, and forming a part of the
same.

My invention has reference to that
branch of photography which is known as
"instantaneous photography," and it
applies more particularly where the object
to be photographed is in rapid motion.

The principal object which I have in
view is to take photographic views of
horses that are moving rapidly under speed,
in order to determine the posture, position,
and relation of their limbs in different
portions of their step or stride.

My invention relates to a double-acting
slide, with the means for operating the
same, and to a novel background, which is
graduated or marked so as to gage [sic] the
position of the horse and the posture of his
limbs. . . .

Referring to the accompanying
drawings, Figure 1, Sheet 1, is a
perspective; Fig. 2, Sheet 1, is an end
section, showing camera slides, track, and
background. Fig. 1, Sheet 2, is a section of
slide-frame, showing trigger, lever,
armature, and magnets. Fig. 2, Sheet 2,
represents a photograph. Fig. 3, Sheet 2,
represents a contact-plate. . . .

No. 212,864 (application filed 11 July

1878)

. . .My invention has reference to a
novel arrangement for exposing the
sensitive plates of photographic cameras,
for the purpose of taking instantaneous
impressions of objects in motion.

In a cotemporaneous [sic] application
for a patent filed by me I have described
and claimed an arrangment for operating a
slide or slides for this purpose by an
electric circuit which was established or
broken by the object to be photographed
as it passed in front of the camera.

E. J. MUYBRIDGE.

Method and Apparatus for Photographing Objects

in Motion.

No. 212.865.

Patented Mar. 4. 1879.

I2g 2

No. 212.865.

/ntJ»n£or~

Patented Mar. 4, 1879.

Ilff /

Jig J

flg£

Xx.--

E. J. MUYBEIDGE.

Method-and Apparatus for Photographing Object

in Motion.

No. 212.864 Patented Mar. 4, 1879.

&*€&,&.

My present invention relates to an
arrangement whereby the moving object is
made to operate the slide simply by
mechanical means.

Referring to the accompanying
drawings, Figure 1 is a back view of the
frame and slides. Fig. 2 is an end view. . . .

B. The Murder 1874

From the Calistoga Free Press, Saturday,
24 October 1874 (all spellings follow those
in the transcript of the article in the
Yosemite National Park Research Library)

Early Sunday morning last, the news of
a terrible tragedy, which occurred the night

115

previous at about 11 o'clock, at the
residence of Wm. A. Stuart, near the
Yellow Jacket quicksilver mine, about
seven and a half miles west of Calistoga, in
this county, was received here. The
particulars as near as we can ascertain, are
as follows: On Saturday last, just before
the departure of the San Francisco boat for
Vallejo, Edward J. Muybridge, a well
known photographic artist in San
Francisco, by means of letters which fell
into his hands, made the discovery that his
wife, who is now in Oregon, and to whom
he was devotedly attached, had been on
terms of criminal intimacy, for some time
past, with Major Harry Larkyns, formerly
connected with several San Francisco
journals, but lately engaged in getting up a
map of the mines in this and adjoining
counties. Frenzied over the discovery, he
immediately made his way to Calistoga,
and learning here that the destroyer of his
peace was at the Yellow Jacket Mine, hired
a team at Connelly's stable, and employed
Geo. Wolfe to drive him there. Alighting,
he knocked at the door, and enquired if
Major Harry Larkyns was in.The gentleman
that answered the call informed him that
he was, and invited him in; he very politely
and calmly refused, saying he wished to see
the Major only a moment on the outside.
The Major, who at the time was engaged in
a game of cribbage with a lady, answered
the summons. As he opened the door and
looked out into the dark, he called out:
"Who is it? I can't see you." Mr.
Muybridge says "Good evening. Major; my
name is Muybridge, and here is the answer
to the letter you sent my wife," and fired
at the breast of Larkyns. The Major
staggered back, and ran through the
kitchen and sitting room, and out the front
door, and fell close to a large oak tree. Mr.
Stacy and others carred him in the house
and laid him on a bed, where he breathed
his last in about one minute and a half.
After firing, Muybridge followed closely,
but was at once covered by a pistol in the
hands of J.M. McArthur, and

surrendered though making no attempt

to escape and was brought to Calistoga

immediately and given into the hands of
Constable Geo. B. Crumwell. We are
informed that there was talk of lynching
Muybridge at the time of the shooting, but
through the influence of Mr. Stuart this act
of violence was not put into effect.

The remains of Major Larkyns were
brought to Calistoga Sunday morning, and
thence conveyed to San Francisco, in the
afternoon for interment. On Monday
Muybridge was brought before Justice
Palmer of this place, but waiving an
examination, was taken to Napa, and there
confined in the county jail, to await the
action of the grand jury.

The deceased was a native of Scotland,
and aged 39 years the day of his death. Mr.
Muybridge is about 47 years of age
[Muybridge was 44], and a native of
England.

We had a conversation with Muybridge
while here, and found him very calm and
collected, and apparently feeling entirely
justifiable in the killing of Larkyns, and we
are informed that since his incarceration at
Napa, he still retains his composure. He
says it was not his intention to kill the
Major, but to maim him for life. Hon. W.W.
Pendegast, of Napa, and C.H. King, of San
Francisco, have been retained as his
council, and we hear that they will soon
make application for his release on bail.

C. The Marey/Muybridge Letters

Gaston Tissandier, editor of La Nature,
wrote the following introduction to
Marey's letter, which appeared in
"Correspondence," La Nature, No. 291, 28
December 1878.8

On the Photographic Reproduction of the
Horse's Gait:

The documents which we published on
this subject in one of our recent

installments (No. 289, 14 December, 1878,
p. 23) have been appreciated by a large
number of our readers. Many readers have
requested samples of Mr. Muybridge 's
photographs from the address which we
published on page 23, column 2 [given in
Muybridge letter below]. We forwarded
the following letter to Mr. Muybridge
received by us from Mr. Marey, of the
Institute, and we hope that the skilled
physicist from San Francisco will respond
completely to the interesting questions
which are put to him by our learned
correspondant.

Marey to Tissandier, 18 December 1878

Dear Friend,

I am impressed with Mr. Muybridge 's
photographs published in the issue before
last of La Nature. Could you put me in
touch with the author? I would like his
assistance in the solution of certain
problems of physiology too difficult to
resolve by other methods. For instance, on
the question of birds in flight, I have
devised a gun-like kind of photography
["fusil photographique" ] for seizing the
bird in an attitude, or better, in a series of
attitudes which impart the successive
phases of the wing's movement. Cailletet9
told me he had tried something analogous
in the past with encouraging results. It
would clearly be an easy experiment for
Mr. Muybridge. Then what beautiful
zoetropes he could make. One could see all
imaginable animals during their true
movements; it would be animated zoology.
So far as artists are concerned, it would
create revolution for them, since one could
furnish them with true attitudes of
movement; positions of the body during
unstable balances in which a model would
find it impossible to pose.

As you see, my dear friend, my
enthusiasm is overflowing; please respond
quickly. I'm behind you all the way.
J. Marey

116

Muy bridge to Tissandier, 17 February 1879
(from La Nature, No. 303, 22 March 1879)

Dear Sir,

I read with keen interest Professor
Marey's letter to you (see La Nature, No.
291, 28 December 1878 p. 54) in reference
to my photographs depicting the
movements of the horse (see La Nature, 14
December 1878 No. 289, p. 23) which you
honored me by reproducing in your
prestigious journal. Your laudatory
remarks about them gave me great
pleasure. Would you be so kind as to
communicate the assurance of my high
esteem to Professor Marey and tell him
that his celebrated work on animal
movement first inspired Governor Stanford
with the idea of the possibility of resolving
the problem of locomotion with the help
of photography. Mr. Stanford consulted
me about this and, at his request, I resolved
to assist him in his task. He charged me
with following a series of more complete
experiments. For this purpose we
constructed 30 dark rooms with electric
shutters which, in order to photograph
horses, would be placed approximately 12
inches from one another. We began our
experiments the next May [1878] and we
intended to fix all the imaginable postures
of athletes, horses, oxen, dogs and other
animals in movement. In the beginning we
didn't study birds in flight but Professor
Marey, having suggested this idea to us,
also [directed our experiments towards
this.] Consequently, we modified our
automatic arrangements and we made our
successive attempts at intervals of regular
time by means of a clock which we had
constructed for this purpose.

I am afraid of encountering many more
difficulties in obtaining satisfactory results
with birds in flight than with other
animals, but we will set about it as best we
can.

I would be very grateful to all breeders
of racehorses in France or England if they
could confirm our experiments by
conducting other experiments. My agent,
Mr. Brandon, Rue Laffitte, No. 1, in Paris,

would be pleased to furnish them with all
the necessary information about
construction and handling of the
equipment. Without a doubt our method
would be improved considerably if scholars
as distinguished as Mr. Marey would lend
their attention to it.

I am sending Mr. Brandon, by this post,
two collections of all the photographs
made to this date on the subject in
question; it would please me if you would
accept one and I would be obliged to you
if you would persuade Mr. Marey to accept
the other with my compliments.
Your devoted, Muybridge

D. Fairman Rogers Comments 1879

The following article by Fairman Rogers,
horseman, wealthy patron of the arts and
Director of the Philadelphia Academy,
appeared in The Art Interchange, 9 July
1879. (Kingston Scrapbook, p. 55)

THE ZOOTROPE. Action of Animals in

Motion The Muybridge Photographs of

Horses The Instrument as a Factor in

Art Studies.

When Mr. Edward Muybridge, of San
Francisco, assisted by Governor Stanford,
made in the spring of 1878, his first
photographs of the horse in motion, it
became evident to those who had been
previously engaged in studying the subject
of the locomotion of animals that they had
never before had any such material for
their investigations as that which he then
presented.

His process, briefly, consists in having a
number of photographic cameras on a
proper support near the level of the
ground, at equal distances, say
twenty-seven inches apart. Opposite to the
cameras and parallel to the line in which
they stand, is a white screen or fence with
vertical lines also twenty-seven inches
apart, drawn on its surface, one directly

opposite to each camera. A wire, with
proper electrical connections, leads from
each line to the corresponding camera. The
animal whose motion is to be
photographed, is driven or ridden on a line
parallel to the screen in front of the
cameras, and as he crosses each wire, the
slide of the camera corresponding to that
wire is opened, and a photograph of the
animal in that position is obtained. In the
experiments on a horse at racing speed, for
example, the animal covers about
twenty-two feet in each stride, ten
cameras, therefore, twenty-seven inches
apart, would record ten different portions
of one stride or step. The photographs thus
produced show the successive positions,
the transitions from one to the other of
which are altogether too rapid to be
appreciated by the eye.

A number of investigators have
attempted to analyse the action of man
and of animals in the various gaits. The
Weber brothers, as to man,12and Wachter,
Raabe, Marey, and Lenoble de Teil, for
horses. In fact, nearly all the writers on
horsemanship have attempted to analyse
the action of the horse, but with
indifferent success. Marey's method was
the most complete, but when his results are
examined by the light of Muybridge's
photographs, they are found to be quite
unsatisfactory.

Shortly after the appearance of the
photographs, Mr. Thomas Eakins of
Philadelphia, Instructor in the Pennsylvania
Academy of the Fine Arts, who had long
been studying the horse from an artistic
point of view, and whose accurate
anatomical knowledge fitted him especially
for the investigation, took them up for
examination. Wachter, in 1862, had
published a set of ten drawings illustrating
the gallop, the most complicated of the
gaits, which he arranged to be used in what
was then called the phenakisticope [sic],
an instrument which we now know in its
improved American form under the name
of Zootrope, and his analysis was so
nearly correct that the horse galloped quite
satisfactorily when looked at in the

117

"SALLIE GARDNER," owned by LELAND STANFORD; running at a 1.40 gait over the Palo Alto track, 19th June, 1878.

Diagram of Foot Movements.

Figure 11.

Right hind foot. Left hind foot.
Vertical lines 27 inches apart. Total length of stride, 265 inches.

Left fore foot.
Copyrighted 1879, by Muybiudge.

The above diagram is projected from a series of electro-photographs, executed by instructions
of GovBBSOB Stanford, and illustrates the course traversed by the feet of the mare Sallie
GaiiiiSi.k during a single complete stride.

The mare being thorough bred, one of the fastest runners on the coast, and noted for her
graceful form and superb gait, the successive positions assumed by her during the stride, may be
accepted as representative in their character.

During certain portions of this stride, the feet of the mare were moving with a velocity equiva-
lent to more than 11X1 lineal feet in a second of time, or nearly three-fourths of an inch, during
an exposure of the two-thousandth part of a second. To enhance the usefulness of the photo-

Eight fore foot.

Left fore foot.

graphs, the indistinctness of their outline resulting from this rapid motion, has been corrected,
with care to preserve their actual positions. Photographs from the original untouched negatives
are curious for comparison, and can be obtained at the same rate, if required. Hereafter the
exposures will be reduced to thetive thousandth part of a second, thus limiting any movement
to one-t'outh of au inch.

In future experiments it will be interesting to observe, to what extent, a knowledge of the
foot movements of a colt, as illustrated by electro-photography, can be availed of to determine
his probable speed at a more advanced age.

Thomas Eakins (?), diagrammatic analysis of the stride

apparatus. His ingenious drawings hardly
received the notice which they merited,
and he seems to have been extremely
modest in his own appreciation of their
value. The writer, familiar with the work
which had been done in this direction, saw
immediately that the zootrope would be a
useful instrument in enabling the
experimenter to determine whether the
photographic analysis was correct, and
constructed a large metal zootrope, with
various appliances, for making it a
scientific instrument. The idea was of
course a very natural one, and had already
occurred to Gov. Stanford and Mr.
Muybridge, who had independently done
the same thing. 14 The photographs
themselves are not exactly adapted for
immediate use in the zootrope. They are

too small, and most of them show no
interior modeling, but are mere silhouettes,
in which the near and off legs cannot be
readily distinguished from each other. In
some of them, the running horse, for
example, the intervals are not equal, owing
to a pecularity of the photographic
apparatus, an explanation of which would
be too long for the limits of this article, in
others the twenty-seven inches is not an
aliquot part of the length of a whole stride.
To obtain a perfectly satisfactory result,
drawings must be made based upon the
information given by the photographs.

To do this, Mr. Eakins plotted carefully,
with due attention to all the conditions of
the problem, the successive positions of the
photographs and constructed, most
ingeniously, the trajectories, or paths, of a

number of points of the animal, such as
each foot, the elbow, hock, centre of
gravity, cantle of the sadlle, point of cap of
the rider, & c. Having these paths, and
marking the beginning of the stride and the
exact point at the other end of the diagram
where the beginning of the next stride
occurs, the whole stride can be divided into
an exactly equal number of parts; twelve
has been selected as a convenient number,
and the exact position of each point of the
body determined for each of the twelve

■.■ 15

positions.

Although [sic] familiarity with the
anatomical construction of the animal
enables the artist thus to draw each of the
twelve positions or attitudes, and when the
figures thus made are put into the
zootrope, a perfect representation of the

118

motion is obtained. By varying the number
of the slots, through which the drawings
are seen, the animal can be made to move
forward or to remain in one place, as he
would appear if the spectator were to ride
or drive alongside of him at the same rate
of speed. The relation of the action to the
distance passed over in each stride can be
regulated with accuracy. The motion is
exceedingly smooth, and such things as the
waving of the tail or the mane are shown in
the most natural manner. It is of course
possible to reduce to the slowest speed, for
the purpose of study, the action of the
horse at his top speed, which is so rapid
that the eye fails to catch the details of it
in nature.

An addition to the zootrope is now
being made by which, at the moment at
which each foot appears to the eye to
strike the ground, a sharp tap of a small
hammer will be made by the instrument,
and the cadence of the step will be made
manifest to the ear, and will aid materially
in the study of the motion. 16

It is obvious that while the photographs
and the drawings made from them are the
analysis of the motion, the combination of
them in the zootrope is the synthesis, and
is a complete test of the accuracy of the
analysis. Mr. Muy bridge intends to
continue his experiments, and will
accumulate a mass of information which
will be of the utmost value. At the
suggestion of Mr. Marey, whose
investigations in the same line, with
entirely different means, have been very
important, he will probably make
corresponding photographs of the flight of
birds.

The value of these investigations to the
artist is very great. It is certain that nearly
all the attempts to represent the gaits of
either animals or men, in painting, are
extremely unsatisfactory, and it is only by
thoroughly understanding the mechanism
of the motion, that the artist will be able
to portray it in any satisfactory manner. A
glance at the Muybridge photographs of
the running horse shows that the postion
of the legs, which is usually accepted as

representing a full run, as drawn by the
best painters of horse subjects, is not only
incomplete, but absolutely incorrect, and
must be universally so recognized as soon
as correct information is obtained by those
who criticize such works. There are many
interesting speculations as to how this
new information may be utilized by the
painter, for which we have not space at
present, but Mr. Muybridge deserves the
thanks of all artists for the valuable
addition that he has made to the general
fund of knowledge.

E. Muybridge: "Leland Stanford's Gift.

From documents now in the Collis P.
Huntington Collection of the George
Arents Research Library, Syracuse
University, we learn that Muybridge was
the author of an article on the history of
the Stanford/ Muybridge experiments
which appeared in the San Francisco
Examiner, Sunday, 6 February 1881.
According to the deposition of Frank
Shay, then 27, private secretary to Leland
Stanford from April 1878 until June 1882,
Muybridge brought the manuscript of the
article, in his own handwriting to him, and
Shay made "a few verbal changes, " but the
article as published was "substantially"
that which he had seen in manuscript.
(Deposition of Frank Shay, in Stanford vs.
Muybridge, San Francisco, 27 July 1883,
pp. 38-39.) Dr. Stillman, then 65, in his
deposition, compares the printed article to
one brought to him by Muybridge in
response to his request for a history of the

experiments one which he found

"ungrammatical, redundant, full of
hyperbole, which would make the whole
thing ridiculous just like that newspaper
article published in the Examiner; just the
same kind of stuff" Instead of
publishing Muybridge's article as an
introduction to his The Horse in Motion,
as had evidently initially been suggested,
Stillman relegated it to the appendix of the

book, and at that used it only as a
"technical" text for his own version of it.
(Deposition of J.D.B. Stillman, in Stanford
vs. Muybridge, 7 August 1883, pp. 6-11.)
Muybridge's history of the experiments at
Palo Alto is printed below as given,
without correction of the spellings, in the
Examiner for 6 February 1881. The article
was read into the court records as
"Defendant's Exhibit H," and was always
wrongly dated in these records as being
published on 6 February 1880.

SAN FRANCISCO ART

Leland Stanford's Gift to Art

and to Science

Mr. Muybridge's Inventions of

Instant Photography and the

Marvelous Zo'ogyroscope

The results of Mr. Muybridge's years of
efforts to perfectly photograph animals of
all kinds, man included, while in
continuous and in the most rapid motion,
may now be said to be fully and most
satisfactorily complete, as is also his

zoogyroscope his marvelous invention

for putting his pictures again in motion,
and an invention which was evolved by the
necessities of the result he had determined
to achieve and has achieved. Mr. Muybridge
came to California in 1855, and most of
the time since and all of the time since
1860 he has been diligently, and at the
same time studiously, engaged in
photography. For several years after 1860
Mr. Muybridge made a specialty of
landscape photography, and it is through
his innumerable photographs, both in large
pictures and in stereoscopic sets, that a
realizing sense of the wonders of California
scenery has been effected abroad. Mr.
Muybridge's acknowledged precedence in
this department of the art caused his
appointment as the official photographer
of the United States Government, and as

119

such he visited all parts of the Pacific coast
line, photographing the light-houses along
it from San Diego to Cape Flattery, and
incidentally photographing also all the
intervening coast scenery. Also as such
Government photographer Mr. Muybridge
was dispatched to the front during the
Modoc war, and the wide spread and
accurate knowledge of the topography of
the memorable Lava Beds and the country
round-about, and of the personnel of the
few Indians who, with the bravery at least
of the classic three hundred, defied and
fought the army of the Union, is due
chiefly to the innumerable and

VALUABLE PHOTOGRAPHS

Taken by him. In fact, in a swiftly
progressive art each day making such rapid
strides onward, and each stride more
startling than the original discovery of the
process that it was good work for the
average photographer to keep even abreast
of his art, Mr. Muybridge had obtained
such undisputed pre-eminence that it was
to him that Mr. Stanford appealed in June,
187 2, when the latter had finally
determined to essay a very remarkable
discovery. Mr. Stanford had never been
technically a painter, but he had always
been one of those for whom technical

painters paint one of those to whom the

artist whether in delineative or in word,
painting merely gives back his own
unconscious sentiments. He was also
always a lover of horses as well as of
pictures. When Mr. Stanford had been in
the eternal fitness of things rewarded with
fabulous wealth for the splendid and
romantic daring that had built a railroad
across deserts, then almost untracked,
across two of the mighty mountain ranges
of the world, across a lonely land that
echoed only to the dull thunder of the
tramp of the buffalo herds or the crack of
the trackman's rifle repelling the attack of

the savage red man a railroad that

forever united the civilized world with its
dauntless vanguard on the Pacific slope and
that put San Francisco on the beaten
highway of the nations then Mr.

Stanford was enabled to gratify both his
love of art and horses. Of this has come a
result probably more important to art than
any other of the century. Mr. Stanford
purchased many fast horses; he purchased
many valuable pictures; he bought the
most elaborated works of the
MOST APPROVED
MODERN SCIENTISTS
Authoritatively analyzing, among other
things, the motion of animals; and he
became the generous patron and the valued
friend of the eminent artists, not alone of
his own State and nation, but of Europe.
The first, and perhaps curious result of
alternately watching the speeding of his
flyers of the turf and of reading works
descriptive of the paces of the horse and
looking upon pictures of the horse at
speed, was that he concluded there was a
diametric difference of opinion as to such
movements between the horse himself and
the horse's delineators of either science or
art. And he took sides with the horse.
Assuming that Mr. Stanford adopted the
correct opinion, that opinion might be
determined to be only an attestation of the
exceptional keeness of Mr. Stanford's
eyesight. But when it is remembered that
for thousands of years no eye had been
sufficiently keen to detect the true
movements of the horse in action; when it
is remembered that from the first known
representation of the horse in motion, and
found in the mural decorations of the
Egypt of the past, down to the last
approved picture of the same, and which is
that of "The Derby" by Herring, admitted
to be almost the peer of Landseer, all
artists had represented the horse at speed
as stretched out in the air like a kite or a
flying squirrel; it will be admitted that the
unaided eye-sight which could detect the
error as old as the world itself, was itself a
valuable possession. But when Mr.
Stanford, in the course of his readings,
came at page 161 in the recent and
valuable work of Professor Marey, the great
French savant, to the statement that "in the
natural walking pace there are never more
than two feet on the ground at a time," he

would stand it no longer.17 This was in
1872, at which time Mr. Stanford was a
resident of Sacramento.18 He immediately
telegraphed to Mr. Muybridge requesting
the latter to visit him. This Mr. Muybridge
did, when Mr. Stanford startled the
photographer by stating that what Mr.
Stanford desired was

A PHOTOGRAPH OF
HIS HORSE, OCCIDENT
And taken while the horse was at full
speed. No wonder even the skilled
Government photographer was startled, for
at that date the only attempts that had
ever been made to photograph objects in
motion had been made only in London and
in Paris, only by the most conspicuous
masters of the art, and only of the most
practicable street scenes. And even in these
scenes in which the photograph of no
objects moving faster than the ordinary
walk of a man had been attempted, and in
which the legs had not been essayed at all,
the objects were taken as they moved
towards the camera, in which action,
owing to the laws of perspective, the
continuous change of place was less
noticeable. Occident was then admittedly
the fastest trotter in the whole world,
having recorded a mile in 2:16 3/4, which
was faster one than even the skipping
Goldsmith Maid had done. And the picture
was required to be taken, not as the flyer
should bear down on the camera, but as his
driver should shoot him at fullest speed
past the lens19 Mr. Muybridge therefore
plainly told Mr. Stanford that such a thing
had never been heard of; that photography
had not yet arrived at any such wonderful
perfection as would enable it to depict a
trotting horse at speed. The firm, quiet
man who had, over mountains and deserts
and through the malignant jeers of the
world, built the railroad declared
impossible, simply said: "I think, if you
give your attention to the subject, you will
be able to do it, and I want you to try." So
the photographer had nothing to do but
"try." He thought over the matter,
skillfully made all the then known
combinations of chemistry and optics for

120

taking an instant picture, made the trial,
and succeeded in getting the first shadowy
and indistinct picture of Occident at a trot.

THE PICTURE

Was extremely unsatisfactory to the artist
and he was therefore surprised when upon
its exhibition to Mr. Stanford, and after
that gentleman had long and intently
scrutinized the foggy outlines of the legs,
Mr. Stanford expressed unbounded
satisfaction with it. No wonder. To him the
hazy outlines were the sun's written
confirmation of his theory that from the
time of the first graven image to that of
Rosa Bonheur there had never been the
true representation of an animal in motion.
With the picture itself, merely as a picture,
Mr. Stanford was no more satisfied than
was the artist, and the latter having agreed
that he would concentrate his thoughts
upon the evolution of some way in which
photographs might be more rapidly taken,
he went away. In July, 1877, Mr.
Muybridge again went to Sacramento and
there took another photograph of Occident
at full speed on the Agricultural Park
Track. That picture was a success that
satisfied not only Mr. Stanford but Mr.
Muybridge also. But it satisfied no person
else. No picture that had ever been
produced by any process had called up so
instant

A STORM OF DERISION

And opprobrium.20 Scientists ridiculed it,
anatomists scoffed at it and old turfmen
jeered at it and aggressively maintained the
impossibility of a horse ever getting itself
into the position represented. But the
self-sustained Mr. Stanford had gone
unscathed through a more malignant
tempest of jeers than that, and had brought
the scoffers to shame at last. Mr. Stanford
looked at the picture. "That is nature," he
said. "I am convinced; now I will convince
others." The picture was a single one,
taken with a single camera, and,
necessarily, the horse was represented in
only that one atom of time in which he
was huried past the lens. It was an

impossibility to devise any way in which a
horse going at full speed should at one
certain instant and at one prescribed point
be in any predetermined part of his stride.
But at Mr. Stanford's suggestion Mr.
Muybridge at once went to Mr. Stanford's
country residence at Palo Alto, and there
arranged twelve cameras to take that many
photographs of a horse passing at full speed
over the private track of the Palo Alto
estate. The twelve cameras were arranged
in a line and so immediately succeeding
each other as to take twelve different views
of the horse while passing all twelve of the
cameras at a single stride of his gait.
Oft-repeated and painstaking experiments
were made with walking, with trotting,
with cantering and with running horses.
Any one picture of any one of these series
of twelve each of pictures was notably
more perfect than the single picture
obtained at Sacramento. These pictures
were published, and instantly found their
way all over the known world. Everywhere
they created

THE PROFOUNDEST ASTONISHMENT,

The least of such astonishment being
created here, where Mr. Stanford, Mr.
Muybridge and the horses were known, for
there is some inexplicable and invarable
rule concealed in the oft -quoted text of the
Scriptures that "a prophet is not without
honor save in his own country and among
his own kindred." The pictures created
something like consternation among the
learned, the scientific, and the artistic
societies of Europe. Copies of the series
were published in the best illustrated
papers of both America and Europe,
including the Scientific American and the
leading pictorials of Berlin, of Paris, of
Vienna, and of London. The inestimable
value of the revelations made by Mr.
Muybridge 's photographs was commented
on at length in the London Times, the
Illustrated London News, he Nature of
Paris, and other journals. Professor Marey,
member of the French Academy, and
author of the great work on Animal
Mechanism, with the description of which

of the walk of a horse, Mr. Stanford had
taken issue, was not content with
publishing in Le Nature the radical
revolutions of his own views of animal
mechanism effected by a view of these
pictures, but he wrote Mr. Muybridge a
letter couched in almost extravagant terms
of compliment as to the value of the
developments made by the process. As an
instance of how far this astonishment at
the new revelations extended, it may be
stated that among the many letters from
eminent men in all parts of the world, and
received by Mr. Muybridge, was one
written in very choice Siamese by His Most
Gracious Majesty the King of Siam, and
that Mr. Muybridge might have the
pleasure of knowing what the King had
said in his letter, the latter had very
thoughtfully had

THE AMERICAN CONSUL
AT BANGKOK
Inclose under cover with the letter a
translation of it into English. The King of
Siam is himself, although an amateur
photographer, still a skilled one, and his
unstinted commendations were those of an
expert as well as of a King. In front of
windows of bookstores in London, in Paris
and in New York, and in which the prints
of the series were exposed, crowds would
congregate to comment on the curious
spectacle which had given to an animal so
well known an absolutely new
signification. A lady well known as a leader
of San Francisco society was one day
walking along Broadway, and was stopped
by an eager crowd in front of a window
near the Metropolitan Hotel. Her own
curiosity being aroused, she commissioned
her escort to push his way to a view of
what attracted so much attention. He
returned to her considerably rumpled and
compressed and reported, "It's that queer
picture of a horse taken by that
iconoclastic photographer of your own
city, and whose malign art has torn into
tatters ten thousand prized paintings of
horses that had hitherto been confidently
supposed to be either trotting or galloping,
but which this ruthless gentleman has

121

proved to be either swimming or flying."
Mr. Stanford himself was in Paris shortly
after the publishing of the photographs,
and was in the studio of his friend, the
great artist Meissonier, who had himself
seen the prints. "Sketch me here a horse
trotting," said Mr. Stanford. Meissonier
smiled, stepped to his easel, and with a few
dextrous touches sketched a horse trotting,
as all good artists have insisted upon his
trotting, since the world began.

THE ARTIST STEPPED BACK

And both he and Mr. Stanford for a
moment contemplated the work. "Now,"
said Mr. Stanford, "make me a sketch of
that same horse in that same stride when
he shall have progressed twelve inches
farther on." The artist looked at Mr.
Stanford, stepped slowly and thoughtfully
to the easel and with some hesitation made
a second sketch. He stepped back, looked
at it, rubbed it out, made another, stepped
back and looked at that. Three times he
repeated this operation. Then rubbing out
the lines of the last essay he turned to Mr.
Stanford and said simply, "I can't do it."
And yet Meissonier many years ago drew
the picture of a horse that would have
irretrievably damned any other artist than
himself and for which he was jeered by the
critics without mercy. Meissonier
maintained the position was correct and in
1877 California sent to Paris the certificate
of the sun that Meissonier had been
correct, for one picture of the series21
represents a horse in very nearly the
attitude represented by the greatest living
painter. But as Mr. Stanford had been the
only one to express satisfaction with the
initial picture of 1872, so he was now the
one, when everybody else said "success,"
to exact success far more complete.
Therefore, he gave Mr. Muybridge carte
blanche, with instruction to provide
himself with entirely new electric and
photographic apparatus the most perfect
that could be made in the world, and
arrange the Palo Alto track for the taking
of a new and more perfect series of
pictures. Mr. Muybridge then had new

lenses made by the celebrated optician
Dallemeyer of London. One hundred feet
of the race track

AT PALO ALTO

And in front of the camera was covered
with India rubber. On one side of this track
a commodious shed was erected for no less
than twenty-four cameras. Opposite the
shed, on the other side of the track, was
erected a background, fifteen feet high, of
white canvas, and which slanted away from
the track at an angle of thirty degrees. In
the shed, back of the camera, was a
powerful electric battery. The twenty-four
cameras were arranged in line, and in front
of the lens of each was secured a stout,
wooden shutter about twelve inches
square, with slides secured in place by a
spring, the release of which would cause
them to be snapped past each other by
powerful India-rubber bands. On the
farther side of the surface of the track was
secured two lines of wooden rails an inch
in height and eighteen inches apart, and
across these rails and twelve inches apart
were stretched wires. Between these rails
the driver steered a wheel of the sulky, and
as the wheel passed over each wire an
electric circle was completed which tripped
the spring in the lens shutter, its slides were
shot past each other, and in passing each
other they exposed for a very razor-edge of
time the photographic plate to the action
of the intense light, and in that hairbreadth
of time the photograph was secured
forever. Instead of the wires, and in the
case of ridden horses, the electric currents
were completed by the contact of the
breast of the passing horse with threads of
silk, which had been stretched taut across
the track at the proper height from the
grounds and distances from each other. In
what an inconceivable atom of time any
one picture of this new series of
twenty-four to the stride of a racehorse at
his fullest speed was taken is a matter of
calculation. The running

ONE-MILE RACEHORSE,
Which when photographed, was going at the

rate of one mile in 1 :40. This is at the rate
of fifty-two feet per second. But this is the
rate of the aggregate body and limbs of the
horse. The feet, considered separately,
travel not only as fast as the body of the
horse, but are likewise alternately thrown
forwards and backwards, and the result of
a series of careful calculations is that the
foot of the racehorse, during certain parts
of the stride, travels more than two and a
half times as fast as the body, or that the
foot of the horse in this instance, during
such times, was going at the rate of 130
feet in a second at the time the picture was
taken. All thoroughly-studied and
experienced photographers can tell by the
scrutiny of any photograph what change of
position was made by the object
photographed during the time of such
photography. A comparison of the
opinions passed upon the picture of "Sallie
Gardiner" shows that her foot was
photographed while it was moving only
one-quarter of an inch. As 130 feet is to
one-quarter of an inch, so is one second to
the time in which the photograph was
taken. This was the inconceivable portion
of time that is less than the six thousandth
part of a second. A recent reprint, in a San
Francisco paper, of the achievement of a
New York photographer who had secured a
photograph in the one hundredth part of a
second, must have been published as a
mock compliment to an artist progressing
backwards at such fearful strides. Artists
abandon the legendary position of the
horse only slowly. One reason is the
difficulty Meissonier himself experienced
of reasoning from one position of a horse
known to be correct, to his position a
second later, or seen from any other point.
Mr. Muybridge, once in the studio of Mr.
Perry watched with interest the artist
endeavoring to outline the picture of

A CALIFORNIA COACH AND FOUR22

He had Mr. Muybridge's pictures as a guide.
But these were broad side views, and he
wanted a quartering view. Mr. Muybridge
hastened back to Palo Alto, arranged five
cameras in a semi-circle and concentrating

122

upon one point, galloped a horse over the
point where the electric current was
completed and produced a perfect picture
of a horse at fullest speed, as seen from five
different points of view all at the same
instant of time and while, of course, the
horse was in one and the same position.23
Now an artist with these pictures as guides
can draw a horse in any position desired.
Mr. Stanford was now just half satisfied.
He had the picture of animals going at the
rate of a mile in 1:40 and at any six
thousandth part of a second of the gait
that he might select to view them at. Now
he bade the artist to put the pictures
themselves in motion. Again the artist
urged that science had found no way of
doing such a thing. It was of no avail, and
for two years and a half the railroad
builder and the photographer toiled with a

child's toy the zootrope as the initial

point, and finally emerged with the
zoogyroscope, signifying generally animals
in motion. 24A disc of zinc about eighteen
inches in diameter has slots radiating
around its outer verge. On the outer verge
of a similarly-sized disc of glass are the
silhouettes of any one series of the
photographs.25 The discs are placed on the
pivot of a delicately-constructed machine,
which revolves them in opposite directions.
A very perfect magic lantern, constructed
for the purpose, casts the pictures the size
of life on a prepared screen and across
which the horses walk or trot, canter or
gallop, even as they do in life. This device
may be said to be already perfect. By it
wisdom was at last justified of her
children. There across the canvas trots or
gallops forever

THE THOROUGHBRED RACER

Even as in life he is seen on the fiercely
contested track. Into the surprising
attitudes of the horse in the photographs is
at last breathed the breath of life, and the
scoffs and the jeers do not cease, indeed,
but they have found other victims, and the
bas reliefs of the Egyptians and the
"spirited picture" of the Derby by Herring;
even the lauded canvases of Rosa Bonheur

are found to have no more truth to nature
and consequently no more real artistic
value than if they had all been
representations of the mythical Unicorn.
The exactness with which the motion is
reproduced may be inferred by the
following: When Mr. Muybridge had
achieved success with the zoogyroscope he
had one series of photographs done in
silhouette on the outer rim of one glass
disc, and with the apparatus hastened to
Palo Alto to show the result to Mr.
Stanford. Across the great screen again and
again galloped at full speed a
delicate-limbed race mare. Mr. Stanford
looked at it. "That is Phryne Lewis," said
Mr. Muybridge. "You are mistaken," said
Mr. Stanford; "I know the gait too well.
That is Florence Anderson." The artist was
certain it was Phryne Lewis. Mr. Stanford
was equally certain it was Florence
Anderson, and it was only after
investigation and the discovery that by a
misunderstanding it was the pictures of
Florence Anderson that had been done in
silhouette that the artist was convinced of
his error. The series of pictures taken are
perfect and numerous, and include those of
athletes running, wrestling and turning
somersaults, as well as of

A HORSE'S COMPLETE SKELETON

Imported from New York and carefully
photographed in each of the positions of a
horse in trotting.26 The zoogryoscope is
complete in every detail. The three magic
lanterns are the most perfect that can be
made. The series of discs already prepared
are thirty, and include representations of
all kinds of motions of horses, horned
cattle and men. In Europe, far more than
even in America, the desire of the artists
and the scientific to see these illustrations
is intense. Under these circumstances, the
rumor that Mr. Stanford and Mr.
Muybridge will some time in the near
future take the pictures to Europe, there to
exhibit them in acceptance of urgent
entreaties so to do, appears to have a
probability of truth. The inestimable value
of the joint labors of Mr. Stanford and Mr.

Muybridge to the scientist in the
demonstration of animal movements and
their still greater value to artists in
elevating the portraiture of life in motion
into an entirely new plane, sustains the
hope that the completed works will soon
be put on exhibition. The circumstances
must have been exceptionally felicitous
that made co-laborateurs of the man that
no practical impediment could balk, and of
the artist who, to keep pace with the
demands of the railroad builder hurried his
art to a marvel of perfection that it is fair
to believe it would not else have reached in
another century.

F: Stanford vs. Muybridge

Muybridge to Frank Shay, Paris, 28
November 1881 ("Address American
Exchange, 449 Strand, London ")

Dear Mr. Shay.

You have probably been informed at
the time of writing this, that the Governor
and Mrs. Stanford left Paris on Saturday,
with the intention of sailing from
Liverpool 1st Deer. I saw them off on the
cars, and much regret the state of the Govs,
health left so much to be desired; however,
for the last week he has been rapidly
improving, and we have every hope he will
have a comfortable voyage, and land in
New York, if not entirely well, at least
with every prospect of immediate
restoration. His residence in Paris has been
entirely devoid of pleasure, both to himself
and Mrs. Stanford, but if the C.P. and S.P.
can spare him, I believe he proposes to
return next spring; by that time I shall
hope to be in full operation, experimenting
with new subjects, that will practically
exhaust the scope of the investigations.
Whether these will take place in France or
England is yet in the hidden arcana of the
future.

123

I have happily obtained a recognition
among the artists and scientists of Paris
which is extremely gratifying, and were
honor all that I am seeking, I need have no
apprehension. I sent you a paper with an
account of my reception at an
entertainment at the residence of Professor
Marey, who occupies the chair of natural
history at the "Institut;" with this I
forward a notice of a reception at the
residence of Meissonier to whom the Gov.
paid $10,000 for a portrait of size about
10 x 12 inches. 28 Many of the most
eminent men in art and science and letters
in Europe were present at the exhibition;
and men like Dumas, Gerome and Millet
requested the pleasure of an introduction
to me. Happily I have strong nerves, or I
should have blushed with the lavishness of
their praises. You will probably read some
other notices which will be copied from
other French and English papers.

I am not unmindful of your promise to
do me any little favor. I might during my
absence ask of you, and I will now ask you
to devote about a half hour of your
valuable time.

I shall shortly visit England for the
purpose of inducing some wealthy
gentlemen (to whom I have letters of
introduction) to provide the necessary
funds for pursuing and indeed completing
the investigations of animal motion; and in
framing an estimate of the probable cost,
can have no better basis than the cost of
the work already accomplished.

Will you therefore at your very earliest
convenience favor me with the total
amount of money paid to me, or on my
account; segregated if convenient under the
following headings.

1. Cash paid for apparatus and material
which will include amts. paid me by you
when the Gov. was sick.

2. Cash paid to Muybridge for personal use
not including the $2000 the Gov. gave me.

3. Cash paid for wages of assistants.

4. Estimated cost of buildings and making
the track at Palo Alto.

This will be valuable to me for laying
before these gentlemen the actual cost of
work already done and I have no doubt
you will be kind enough to furnish me with
the particulars. I am writing this with the
pen you gave me, I think the slight
irregularities you may observe, may be
attributed to the "Mackinnon ink" which
is falsely stated to "flow freely."

I have not written to Gov. S. before,
because I had accomplished nothing; I have
been waiting the disposition of the
Governor 29 since the 1st Octr. ; not
absolutely idle for I have been collecting
materials for a work upon the attitudes of
animals in motion as illustrated by the
Assyrians, Egyptians, Romans, Greeks, and
the great masters of modern times. Will
you please kindly remember me to Mrs.
Shay, Mr. Taine to whom please say I will
take the earliest opportunity of writing.
Mr. Lathrop; Capt. Smith; Mr. Severann,
and others too numerous to mention.
Yours Faithfully, Muybridge
Please don't delay sending statement.

Muybridge to Frank Shay, Paris, 23
December 1881 ("Hotel de Hie de France,
26 Rue St. Augustin")30

Dear Mr. Shay :

On the 28 Nov last I wrote requesting
the favor of your furnishing me with a
statement arranged under the separate
heading of "Wages to operatives,"
"Advances to me personally," and
"Material" of the cost of the experiments
at Palo Alto.

This statement I wished to place before
some gentlemen, in my application to them
for providing the means for another series
of investigations into the attitudes of
animals in motion. With that courtesy
which you have invariably exhibited in
your intercourse with me I have no doubt
you have furnished me with all the
particulars.

I suggested addressing your reply to
London, but since then some very
important events have transpired which
will render an extended residence in Paris
necessary; and at the same time relieve me
of the anxiety under which, as you well
know, I have for a long time been existing.

Some time ago I [presented] you a
paper with an account of my reception
among the scientists at the residence of
Professor Marey; and later one with an
account of an exhibition at the studio of
M. Meissonier.

M. Meissonier exhibits the greatest
interest in the work, and through his
commanding influence I have obtained a
recognition here which is extremely
gratifying and advantageous.

Notwithstanding the large prices
obtained for his pictures, unfortunately M.
Meissonier is far from rich; but his
influence with wealthy people is immense;
and one of his friends has expressed a
desire to associate himself with M.
Meissonier, Professor Marey and myself in
the instituting of a new series of
investigations which I intend shall throw all
those executed at Palo Alto altogether in
the shade. I have been experimenting a
great deal and have no doubt of its
successful accomplishment.

You know that upon the completion of
the work at Palo Alto, after so
embarrassing [six] a time,31I hoped to be in
a position to devote my attention to the
development of the ideas which have
created so great a sensation, and been
received with so much warmth in Paris.
This was my intention; and I am happy to
say, thanks to the friendship of M.
Meissonier there is now an opportunity of
its realization.

Using the photographs I propose to
make next year as his text, M. Meissonier
intends to edit and publish a book upon
the attitudes of animals in motion as
illustrated by both ancient and modern
artists. He proposes it shall be a most
elaborate work, and exhaustive of the
subject. It is to be the joint production of
Meissonier, Professor Marey, "the

124

capitalist," and myself, and be a standard
work on art which as Meissonier says will
hand the names of all four of us down to
posterity.

Both he and I considered it appropriate
to invite the Governor to join us if he is so
disposed, which we have done by letters,
we shall be pleased to welcome him if he is
inclined to come in, if he declines we will
avail ourselves of the desire of M.

Meissonier's friend.

One of the conditions of the agreement
is, that Meissonier is to have control of the
results, and that I shall assign to him my
present American and European copyrights
and also those I make next season. In
consideration of which I shall receive
payment for the times I was working in
connection with their production, and at
my ordinary rate of payment for work in
California, this will of course be quite a
sum. M. Meissonier himself is not

actuated by any selfish motives, neither do
I suppose is his friend (who the "friend" is
I do not know) for he assures me he is very
rich; but I really believe and so does M.
Meissonier it will be an investment that will
pay for itself, and very probably a
profitable one.

I have had several other propositions
made me, among others one from Goupil,
the fine art publisher, and perhaps I might
make more money if I treat with each
country separately but I am desirous of
being free from any financial management
or operations, and devote my time
unreservedly to work.

I hope your mine has turned out
enough rich paying ore to satisfy the
reasonable requirements of any moderate
man, and that its results will enable you to
retire from speculation, and seek
enjoyment for a time in Europe; and if in
the course of your travels you should next
summer find yourself in Paris; make me a
visit to my Electro-Photo studio in the Bois
de Boulogne and I will give you a welcome.
Respects of the kindest description to Mrs.
Shay.

Yours Faithfully, Muybridge

Muy bridge to J.D.B. Stillman, 7 March
1882 ("American Exchange, 449 Strand,
London")

Dear Doctor:

When I last wrote you a few months
ago, I offered to assist you in the
production of the work on the theory of
animal movements. I have become
possessed of a great deal of information on
the subject which I am willing to place at
your disposal to work up for our joint
benefit. It was contemplated at one time to
make use of my photographs for
illustration, but having heard nothing
further in relation to it, and from
conversation with Mr. Stanford last Fall I
suppose the idea of making arrangements
for pictorial illustration has been
abandoned. In December last, Mr.
Meissonier and I wrote to Mr. Stanford
that we in association with Professor Marey
contemplated the publication of a very
elaborate illustrated work on the attitudes
of animals in motion and the prosecution
of new investigations into the subject one
of the conditions being that Mr. Meissonier
should acquire control of the copyrights.
As I had all the time been under the
impression Mr. Stanford would like to
acquire the copyrights of the photographs,
if not for Europe, at least for America, we
deemed it the correct thing to write him to
join us in preference to making other
arrangements, but to neither of our letters
have we been favored with a reply.

You are I suppose still writting [sic]
away: you perhaps recollect what I
originally told you about the time it would
take; and, if you succeed in getting the
work in the market before 1883 I shall
consider you very fortunate. Who have you
arranged with to publish it?

I am in England at the invitation of the
Royal Institution. Drs. Tyndall, Huxley,
Bowman, Carpenter, Crookes, and a
number of other eminent men have taken a
great interest in my photographs, and last
evening we had a rehearsal in the lecture
room of the institution preparatory to an
exhibition before the members on Monday

night when we shall have a very brilliant
audience. Sir Fredk. Leighton, president of
the Royal Academy was present last
evening and after it was over he expressed
himself anxious to arrange for an
exhibition before the members of the
Academy, and I meet a number of R.A. 's
this evening at the house of Alma-Tadema
to talk the matter over. I have had a very
agreeable interview with Lord Roseberry
and quite a number other distinguished and
wealthy men. I anticipate no difficulty in
pursuing the investigation on a large and
more comprehensive scale than has yet
been done and to an exhaustive conclusion,
(and I think it probable my anxiety, and
financial embarrassment, now of some
years duration, is over). I suggested waiting
the publication of any theories founded on
my work, until this was done as I was
anxious all criticism should await the
completion of the new experiments. I am
promised every facility for work in Paris,
but whether I shall commence there or in
England I have not yet fully determined.
The Prince of Wales takes a great interest in
the matter and I am promised an
introduction to him on Monday. Hoping
you are in your usual robust health, I am
Yours Faithfully, Muybridge

Stilli7ian's Book Reaches London (from
Nature, 20 April 1882 f^

We have received from Messrs. Trubner
and Co. a handsome and richly illustrated
quarto, "The Horse in Motion, as shown by
Instantaneous Photography, with a Study
in Animal Mechanics, founded on
Anatomy and the Revelations of the
Camera, in which is demonstrated the
Theory of Quadrupedal Motion," by J.D.B.
Stillman, A.M., M.D. The investigations are
executed and published under the auspices
of Mr. Leland Stanford, of Palo Alto Farm,
California. We hope shortly to notice this
work at some length, and meanwhile make
the following extract from Mr. Leland
Stanford's preface, which shows the exact
part taken by each of those concerned in

125

the investigation: "I have for a long time

entertained the opinion that the accepted
theory of the relative positions of the feet
of horses in rapid motion was erroneous. I
also believed that the camera could be
utilized to demonstrate that fact, and, by
instantaneous pictures, show the actual
position of the limbs at each instant of the
stride; under this conviction I employed
Mr. Muybridge, a very skillful
photographer, to institute a series of
experiments to that end. . . . When these
experiments were made, it was not
contemplated to publish the results; the
the facts revealed seemed so important,
that I determined to have a careful analysis
made of them. For this purpose it was
necessary to review the whole subject of
the locomotive machinery of the horse. I
employed Dr. J.D.B. Stillman, whom I
believed to be capable of the undertaking.
The result has been, that much instructive
information on the mechanism of the horse
has been revealed, which is believed to be
new, and of sufficient importance to be
preserved and published."

Muybridge Responds (Nature, 27 April
1882)

In Nature, vol. xxv. p. 591, you notice
the publication of a work entitled "The
Horse in Motion," by Dr. Stillman, and
remark: "the following extract from Mr.
Stanford's preface shows the exact part
taken by each of those concerned in the
investigations." Will you permit me to say,
if the subsequently quoted "extract" from
Mr. Stanford's preface is suffered to pass
uncontradicted, it will do me a great
injustice and irreparable injury. At the
suggestion of a gentlemen, now residing in
San Francisco, Mr. Stanford asked me if it
was possible to photograph a favourite
horse of his at full speed. I invented the
means employed, submitted the result to
Mr. Stanford, and accomplished the work
for his private gratification, without
remuneration. I subsequently suggested,
invented, and patented the more elaborate

126

' %

Lithograph from J.D.B. Stillman's The Horse in Motion

Muybridge's original photograph,
from Attitudes of Animals in Motion

system of investigation, Mr. Stanford
paying the actual necessary disbursements,
exclusive of the value of my time, or my
personal expenses. I patented the apparatus
and copyrighted the resulting photographs
for my own exclusive benefit. Upon the
completion of the work Mr. Stanford
presented me with the apparatus. Never
having asked or received any payment for
the photographs, other than as mentioned,
I accepted this as a voluntary gift; the
apparatus under my patents being
worthless for use to any one but myself.
These are the facts; and on the bases of
these I am preparing to assert my rights.36
J. Muybridge [the E. is omitted]

Stanford's Preface to "The Horse in
Motion"

I have for a long time entertained the
opinion that the accepted theory of the
relative positions of the feet of horses in
rapid motion was erroneous. I also believed
that the camera could be utilized to
demonstrate that fact, and by
instantaneous pictures show the actual
position of the limbs at each instant of the
stride. Under this conviction I employed
Mr. Muybridge, a very skillful
photographer, to institute a series of
experiments to that end. Beginning with
one, the number of cameras was afterwards
increased to twenty-four, by which means
as many views were taken of the
progressive movements of the horse. The
time occupied in taking each of these views
is calculated to be not more than the
five-thousandth part of a second. The
method adopted is described in the
Appendix to this volume.

When these experiments were made it
was not contemplated to publish the
results; but the facts revealed seemed so
important that I determined to have a
careful analysis made of them. For this
purpose it was necessary to review the
whole subject of the locomotive machinery
of the horse. I employed Dr. J.D.B.
Stillman, whom I believed to be capable of

the undertaking. The result has been that
much instructive information on the
mechanism of the horse has been revealed,
which is believed to be new and of
sufficient importance to be preserved and
published.

The Horse in Motion is the title chosen
for the book; for the reason that it was the
interest felt in the action of that animal
that led to the experiments, the results of
which are here published, though the
interest wakened led to similar
investigations on the paces and movements
of other animals. It will be seen that the
same law governs the movements of most
other quadrupeds, and it must be
determined by their anatomical structure.

The facts demonstrated cannot fail, it
would seem, to modify the opinions
generally entertained by many, and, as
they become more generally known, to
have their influence on art.
LELAND STANFORD
Palo Alto Farm, California, 1881

Stanford to Stillman, 23 October 1882
("Office of the Central Pacific Railroad,
President's Department")

Dear Doctor:

I enclose you Osgood's report, and also
a letter from Mr. Reid. Muybridge has
commenced a suit by attachment in
Boston, levying on all the books, and
charging that I have, by the publication of
the book, injured his professional
reputation. He wants damages to the
extent of $50,000 and claims that the idea
of taking photographs of horses in motion
originated with him, and not with me, and
that I set up that claim in the book.

When I first spoke to Muybridge about
the matter, he said it could not be done. I
insisted, and he made his trials. He has
often stated this to others, and I think
there will be no difficulty in defeating his
suit, and showing that his merit such as it
is, was in carrying out my suggestions. You
will probably remember his having said so
to you, as he was in the habit of saying so

often to others. I think it was completely
set forth in the sketch that he gave at one
time to put into the book as an appendix.37
I think the fame we have given him has
turned his head. I think of going East
about the first of next month. If you have
any suggestions to make in regard to the
book or other matters please let me know
and I will endeavor to attend to them
promptly.

Hoping yourself and family are all well. I
am with kind regards,
Your friend, Leland Stanford

G. Meissonier's New "1887"

From the New York Evening Post,
Saturday, 26 March 1887 (Kingston
Scrap book, p. 171)

Sir: A cablegram from London,
published in one of this morning's papers,
announces the fact that Meissonier is
painting a new "Friedland" picture, which
is to be a revised and improved copy of the
work in the Stewart collection now being
sold at public auction in this city.38 The
implication being conveyed by the article is
that Meissonier is guilty of a dishonest
action in thus reproducing his famous
picture.

A letter which I have seen this morning,
written by Meissonier to Mr. Muybridge of
the University of Pennyslvania, and certain
facts which have come to my notice,
explain why the artist has decided to
reproduce the work upon which so much
of his fame in this country has seemed to
depend.

A few years ago, when Mr. Muybridge
first went to Paris with a collection of his
photographs of animals in motion, a
reception was tendered him by Meissonier,
to which were invited many of the most
distinguished artists in France. At this
reception Meissonier exhibited and highly
commended the wonderful revelations
made by Mr. Muybridge's investigations,
stating frankly, in the presence of his

127

brother artists, that he had been mistaken
in his past observations of horses in
motion. He acknowledged that the picture
"Friedland" contained what he now knew
to be gross errors, and he expressed his
regret that he could obtain no opportunity
to correct them, as he would gladly do.

Feeling that his reputation as an artist
might in time be compromised by this
picture, Meissonier, it is believed, has
begun the new picture with the intention
of correcting such faults as he recognizes in
the work in the Stewart sale.

No artist is more conscientious and
none more jealously guards his good
reputation than does Meissonier. He is a
man who never allows to go out of his
studio a work which, at the time, he deems
unworthy of his reputation or
unsatisfactory to his highest artistic
knowledge.

Very respectfully yours,
Charles M. Kurtz, New York, March 25

H. Restatement 1892

Draft of a letter, Muybridge to Stanford, 2
May 1892. "San Francisco Art Association,
430 Pine Street, San Francisco." (The
original, in Muy bridge's hand, is in The
Bancroft Library, University of California,
Berkeley, and is published here, with
Muy bridge's deletions indicated in
brackets, by the permission of the
Director.) The letter is addressed "To The
Hon. Leland Stanford, United States
Senate. " There is no signature. 39

My dear Sir.

In the spring of the year 1872 in
Sacramento, you asked me if it was
possible to photograph from a lateral point
of view, your horse Occident while trotting
at full speed; as you wished to confirm a
theory that a horse trotting at full speed
must necessarily be clear of the ground for
a portion of his stride.

I need not remind you that in a few
days I established the truth of this theory

to your and my own satisfaction, if not to
the satisfaction of the world.

On the 7 August 1877 in a letter (a
copy of which I have before me)40 1
suggested to you a plan for making a series
of electro-photographs, automatically, by
which the consecutive phases of a single
stride could be successfully photographed.

Being [I— became] much interested in
this subject, [-and— -in— -seek-mg— -you-r
eo operation in the work. ] I offered to
supply you with what copies of the results
you required for your personal use, if you
would pay the actual expenses of obtaining

them omitting any payment in money

for my time.

You accepted my proposition, and from
a few days after the date of my letter, until
the spring of 1881, or for more than three
years, my time was devoted almost
exclusively to superintending the
construction of the apparatus or the
execution of the work.41

In the summer of 1878 I published and
copyrighted under the title of

The Horse in Motion

Muybridge

six photographs of your horses, each
illustrating [12] consecutive phases of the
Trot, Gallop, etc.

I delivered to you a large number of
these photographs with the above title
printed on the mounts thereof, but very
few were sold.

In [consideration] consequence of the
interest which you and [-Mrs— Stanford ]
manifested in the work, [ and- -her- desire- to
ex-tend— -the — investigation-] it was then
arranged that I should continue my work,
with 24 cameras instead of 12 the results
of which, as you state in the preface to the
book, published under your

auspices were not originally intended for

publication by you.

Finding, however that my system of
investigating Animal Locomotion began to
attract some attention, it was agreed and
arranged that my photographs should be
reproduced and published in book form.

It was your professed, and I believed
your sincere desire to recognize my
devotion to the work by extending a
knowledge of it to the world, and by that
means to bring me not only fame, but
something more substantial, in the shape of
[•something-] that which too often fails to
accompany fame, these or words to that
effect, were frequently used by you.

During the winter of 1880-81 "J D B
Stillman MD" (who was not present at a

single experiment of motion) at your

request commenced to examine and write a
description of my photographs. While
engaged in this work, Stillman submitted
to me the title page of the proposed book,
which, taking my original copyrighted title
as his key, was substantially as follows:

The Horse in Motion

as demonstrated by a series of photographs

by Muybridge

With an attempt to elucidate the theory

of Animal Locmotion

by J.D.B. Stillman MD

Published under the auspices of

Leland Stanford

This title page was satisfactory to me
and had this book been published it might
have been of some assistance in obtaining
for me the reward which you expressed
your belief and desire I should have.

Early in the year 1882 I gave a Lecture
at the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
when I took the opportunity of giving you,
what I think you will consider was full and
generous acknowledgment for your
co-operation and assistance in my work.

This lecture brought me into contact
with many persons distinguished in Science
or Art or holding the highest rank in
Society.

Mr. Spottiswoode the President of

the Royal Society of London invited me to
prepare a monograph on Animal
Locomotion to be published in the
"Proceedings" of the Society, and
promised to provide the funds for an
exhaustive investigation of the subject to
be made under the auspices of the Society.

128

I was invited to give several public and
private repetitions of the Lecture given at
the Royal Institution. And altogether a
brilliant and profitable career seemed
opened to me in London.

In response to the invitation by the
President I wrote a monograph on Animal
Locomotion, and submitted it to the
Council of the Royal Society.

This monograph was examined,
accepted and a day appointed for its
presentation to the Fellows, and for its
being placed in the records of the Society.

I have in my possession a proof sheet of
my monograph, printed by the Society, (as
is its custom) before [it is] being place on
the record of its "Proceedings."

About three days before the time
appointed for the reception of my
monograph by the Fellows, I received a
note requesting my presence at the Rooms
of the Society.

Upon my arrival I was conducted to the
Council Chamber, and was asked by the
President in the presence of the assembled
Council, if I knew anything about a book
then on the table having on its title page,
the following

The Horse in Motion

JDB Stillman MD

Published under the auspices of

Leland Stanford

[and] there being no reference thereon to
Muybridge.

I was asked whether this book
contained the results of the photographic
investigation of which I had professed to
be the author. That being admitted I was
invited to explain to the Council how it
was that my name did not appear on the
Title page, in accordance with my
professions.

No explanation of mine could avail in
the face of the evidence on the title page,
and in the book before the Council, I had
no proof to support my assertions.

My monograph was refused a place on
the records of the Royal Society until I
could prove to the satisfaction of the

Council my claim to be considered its
original author, and until this day it
remains unrecorded from the lack of
evidence which would be acceptable to the
Council, which evidence is at your
command.

The doors of the Royal Society were
thus closed against me, and in consequence
of this action, the invitations which had
been extended to me were immediately
cancelled, and my promising career in
London was thus brought to a disastrous
close.

My available funds being exhausted I
was compelled to sell the four original
photographic copies of

"The Horse in Motion"

which I had printed at your request and for
your purposes, and with the proceeds of
their sale I returned to America.

I will not now trouble you with any
details of other and subsequent happenings
more than to say that in consequence of
this publication of

'The Horse in Motion"

J.D.B. Stillman MD

I for two years vainly sought assistance to
pursue my researches until at last through
the influence of Dr. William Pepper, and
other gentlemen (who had made due
enquiries as to my position in the matter) I
was instructed by the University of
Pennsylvania to make a comprehensive
investigation of the subject of Animal
Locomotion. A few of the results of this
investigation, you have seen.

I have patiently waited during eleven
years without bringing this matter to your
attention, but I think that the time has
arrived when in justice both to you and to
myself I ought to do so.

With many of the facts which I have
related you are already familiar, and I do
not believe you will question the accuracy
of my statements in regard to the others,
they are however all susceptible of [being
read-Hy-and ] conclusive [ly-proved-] proof.
I am, Dear Sir, Yours Faithfully

I. Muybridge: His Summation 1892

"Correspondence," The Journal of the
Camera Club (London), 9 November 1897,
pp. 190-192 (Kingston Scrapbook, p. 196)

Sir-

If a recent lecture at the Camera Club
was correctly reported in the Standard, of
5th Nov., I have no doubt of one of the
statements made by the lecturer causing
you and some of the other members of
your Club considerable astonishment.

The paragraph reads as follows: "The

reconstruction of that movement that

was to say the synthesis was then

considered a very distant problem.
Towards 1893 appeared the Edison
Kinetoscope, which realized that
synthesis."

The "then" presumably, refers to a date

previously mentioned 1874 at which

time a photographic investigation of animal
movements had been commenced in
California.

During the last few years, numerous
gentlemen in Europe and America have put
forth claims to have been the first to
demonstrate by synthesis the results of
photographic analysis.

Having, many years ago, practically
retired from the field of photographic
investigation, I have taken no part in this
controversy. Since, however, the statement
is gravely made to a body of scientific men
assembled in your rooms, that an apparatus

for showing "Animated Photographs"

so called was not "invented" until about

five years since, I thought it a not
inappropriate occasion to send you, for the
information of such members of your Club
as care to take the trouble to read them, a
few quotations in regard to some
demonstrations of a similar character
which were made so long ago that one may
reasonably be excused for having forgotten
all about them.

As dates are the all important feature in
this matter, it is as well to direct attention
to the fact that Mr. Richard A. Proctor,

129

writing in 1881, alludes to his having seen,
"about two years" before that time, the
projecting apparatus called the
Zoopraxiscope, which was then in practical
use to reproduce apparent motion from
analytical photographs.

Whether the Zoopraxiscope or any of
the instruments more recently constructed
for this purpose can be correctly called an
"invention" may be open to question, for
it is well known that the same principle
was employed by the Belgian physicist,
Plateau, in the early part of this century,
and, perhaps, before that time by the
Weber Brothers; so whatever honour may
be considered as belonging to the
"inventor" of this system of demonstration
must be awarded to one long since passed
away.

I am not aware whether Plateau, or the
Webers, used a modification of the
apparatus for lantern projection. I think it
very likely the former did, anyway an
instrument was used for that purpose
nearly fifty years ago by Pepper.43

Now, in regard to the Kinetoscope.

I think Mr. Edison himself would no
more claim to be the inventor of the first
apparatus, constructed and used for the
purpose of demonstrating by synthesis
movements originally analytically
photographed from life, than he would
claim to be the originator of the
phonograph, the telephone, or the electric
lamp.

The Kinetoscope is undoubtedly an
improvement on the Zoopraxiscope, even
as that instrument was an improvement on
the Zoetrope.

Several years before the appearance of
the Kinetoscope, Mr. Edison was made
perfectly familiar with the construction
and contemplated improvements of the
Zoopraxiscope during a conversation held
with him about the possibility of
combining that apparatus in a modified
form with the phonograph, and thus to
synchronously reproduce actions and
words an article in respect to which was
published in the Nation, of New York 19th
January 1888.

At that time, however, the phases of
any one or a series of actions was limited in

number to thirty-six the number of

lenses used for photographing. In this way
was illustrated two strides of a horse, a
jump over a hurdle, another two strides,
another jump and so on, uninterruptedly
repeated during a period limited only by
the patience of the audience.

All of the more recent instruments are,
naturally, a great improvement on their
prototype. Science advances.

To Mr. Marey must be attributed the
first successful obtainment of consecutive
phases of motion with a single lens upon a
strip of sensitized material. The results of
some of his experiments in this direction
were published by him at a meeting of the
Academie des Sciences, 3rd July, 1882,
and are reported in Comptes rendus des
seances de Vacademie des Sciences, t. xcv.

You will perhaps see that the first
demonostration given in Europe of
projected syntheses of analytical
photography was at the house of M. Marey,
in Paris, September 1881. Your Club has, I
think, in its library, one of the series of
photographs exhibited on that occasion,
which was made in 1878, and seen by Mr.

Proctor synthetically 1 think, the

following year.

Permit me, in conclusion, to direct your
attention, and through you, that of your
colleagues, to a paragraph of page 20 of a
little book, called "Descriptive
Zoopraxography," which, I believe, is in
your library. It refers to the flight of
insects.44 Marey has demonstrated many
interesting facts on this subject, but I much
question if it is possible with his system to
solve the problem. I am confident that a
thorough investigation of insect flight
will result in information of very great
practical value to the physicist and the
mechanician, and therefore were worthy
the attention of any of your members who
have the time, the facilities, and the
disposition to pursue that line of research.

I am, Sir,

Yours faithfully, E. Muybridge

Reports referred to in the above Letter:

[The first "report" in Muybridge's
Appendix to his letter is Marey's letter,
preceded by Tissandier's introduction to it,
both of which are reprinted as Document
B, above.]

Gentleman's Magazine, vol. 251. Article
appearing December, 1881, signed
"Richard A. Proctor." "About two years
ago I heard, for the first time, of a
photographic achievement which seemed
to me at the time scarce credible, and
which I was presently assured by one of
our ablest English photographers was
absolutely outside the bounds of
possibility. . . .

"Yet it is found that so soon as the
pictures, instead of being studied
separately and with steady gaze, are
submitted in rapid succession to the eye . .
. .by arranging them uniformly round the
outside of a rather large disc, only a small
portion of the upper part of which can be
seen at a single view, and setting this disc in
rapid rotation, so that picture after picture
comes into view .... we are able to see the

horse galloping as in nature stride

succeeding stride every circumstance of

the motion, even to the waving of the tail
and mane being truthfully, and therefore
naturally, presented."

Le Globe (of Paris), September 27th, 1881.

(M. Vilbort) "M. Marey, professeur au

College de France, reunissait hier quelques
savants, etrangers et frangais, dans la
maison nouvelle qu'il habite au Trocadero .
. . . Parmi les invites de M. Marey on
remarquait M. Von Helmholtz . . . M. Govi
MM. Bjerknes, Brown-Sequard,
Mascart, Lippmann, Nadar, Gaston
Tissandier. . . Crookes, etc. . . . Les
mouvements sont decomposes et
reproduits, y compris les mouvements
transitoires entre les diverses allures . . . par
le procede zootropique. C'est la

reproduction mais projetee, c'est-a-dire

agrandie et visible pour un plus grand
nombre de la curieuse experience qu'on

130

fait au zootrope sur les tables des salons.
. .Nous voyons ainsi passer devant nos yeux
de longues files de chevauz au galop
s'assemblant, s'etalant avec la plus
surprenante souplesse. Puis des chiens les
suivent, courant entre leurs jambes la
queue au vent.

"Dans ce defile diabolique, dans cette
chasse infernale, les cerfs courents apre"s les
chiens, les boeufs poursuivent les cerfs, et
les pores eux-me'mes montrent dans leur
galop de folles pretentions a la gr&ce et a la
vitesse.

"La photographie surprend aussi le vol
des oiseaux dan les mille combinasions de
leurs ailes qui tant&t relevees planent
au-dessus de leur corps, tantcU se repliant
les enveloppent tout entiers."

The Standard (London), November 28th,

1881. "M. Meissonier has just gathered

in his studio all the most celebrated French
artists and sculptors to witness some
curious experiments. . . .When these
twenty-four photographs, placed in a kind
of wheel, were turned rapidly, and made to
pass before the lens of the magic lantern,
their truthfullness was demonstrated most
successfully."

Illustrated London News, March 18th,

1882 (Geo. A. Sala). "By the aid of an

astonishing apparatus called a
'Zoopraxiscope,' which the lecturer
described as an improvement on the old
'Zoetrope,' but which may be briefly
defined as a Magic Lantern Run Mad (with
method in the madness), the ugly animals
suddenly became mobile and beautiful, and
walked, cantered, ambled, galloped and
leaped over hurdles in the field of vision in
a perfectly natural manner. . . .After the
horses, dogs, oxen, wild bulls and deer,
were shown under analogous conditions of
varied movement, and finally Man
appeared (in instantaneous photography)
on the scene and walked, ran, leaped, and
turned back-somersaults to admiration."

evident ... an imperishable record of the
figure, height, dress, carriage and gait of
any eminent man . . . could be had.
Posterity at the bidding of our
photographic necromancers could call up
any of these worthies at any future date,
and see him move across the stage with a
startling verisimilitude. Nay, we would
have his very 'walk and conversation.' . . .
The phonograph, at the same time, as we
may anticipate from its ultimate
perfection, might repeat audibly. . . ."

The

Nation,
(W.E.

New York,
Garrison J.-

January
—"Now

19th,
it is

Notes

1. This shutter, made partially of a
cigar-box top, is in the Stanford
Museum Collection. It is illustrated on
p. 111. The sky -shade was a forerunner of
the appratus Muybridge devised for
taking instantaneous photographs of
Stanford's horses.

2. Muybridge had gone to Yosemite with
his equipment in a box marked
"Houseworth." But upon his return, he
deserted his old publisher, and moved
to Bradley & Rulofson.

3. Rulofson thus proclaims that, for a
Californian of the period, he was an
Equal Opportunity Employer.

4. Muybridge had won the Gold Medal at
Vienna in 1873 for his large 187 2 views
of Yosemite.

5. Helen Arbuckle, "Muybridge Made
Pictures of Motion," San Jose Mercury
and News, 2 April 1972.

6. Copy in Rare Books and Special
Collections, San Francisco Public
Library. The photographic copies of the
documents were made at Vance's
Gallery, whose premises in San
Francisco Bradley & Rulofson
eventually occupied.

7. Muybridge, in the first three of the
locations, refers to Alaska, 1868;
Panama, 1875; Yosemite, 1872.
Photographs taken "beneath the waters
of our Bay" have yet to be found.

8. Translations by J. Sue Porter, Stanford
University Museum of Art. Tissandier
had published an article by Marey on
the graphic notation of movement
("Moteurs animes, Experiences de
physiologie graphique, " a paper given
at the French Association for the
Advancement of Science, 29 August
1878) in two installments preceding his
publication of the Stanford/Muybridge
experiments: La Nature, No. 278, 28
September 1878, and No. 279, 5
October 1878.

9. Louis Cailletet (1832-1913), a French
physicist.

131

10. Muybridge's dating is confusing. See his
statement that Stanford had read
Animal Mechanism, especially p. 161,
before 187 2 in his unsigned article,
Document E. Marey's La Machine
Animate was published in Paris in 1873;
in New York, under the title Animal
Mechanism, in 1874. In fact, in a later
letter [reprinted as Document I],
Muybridge gives the date as 1874. By
thus blurring the two dates, Muybridge
condenses the two phases of the
Stanford/Muybridge experiments into
one. The distinction is that in 1872
they were attempting to prove by a
single instantaneous photograph that a
horse at some point in his stride has all
four feet off the ground; by 1874, the
experimental idea had expanded, and
what they now sought to obtain
through a series of instantaneous
photographs was a record of all the
phases of a horse's stride. This was
accomplished at Palo Alto in 1878,
after Muybridge 's return from Central
America.

11. For the clock, see Proceedings of the
Royal Institution of Great Britain, for
13 March 1882.

12. The eldest of the three brothers, Ernst
Heinrich Weber (1795-1878), was an
anatomist and physiologist. Another
researcher was the American physician
and author, Oliver Wendell Holmes
(1809-94), Holmes studied the
instantaneous stereoscopic views of the
streets of London, Paris and New York,
which were first published in 1859, and
found that the walking figures in them
showed entirely different attitudes from
those depicted by artists. "We thought
we could add something to what is
known about it [the mechanism of
walking] from a new source, accessible
only within the last few years and
never, so far as we know, employed for
its elucidation, namely the
instantaneous photograph." He
employed the artist F.O.C. Darley to
make drawings from the photographs;
these were published with his article,

"The Human Wheel, its Spokes and
Felloes," in Atlantic Monthly, Vol II,
May 1863, pp. 567-80. (For a fuller
discussion of Holmes's inquiry, see B.
Newhall, "Photography and the
Development of Kinetic Visualization,"
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes, Vol. VII, Nos. 1 and 2, 1944,
pp. 40-45.)

13. Olive Cook, in Movement in Two
Dimensions, London, 1963, p. 127,
gives 1867 as the year in which the
Daedelum or Wheel of Life was brought
out in the United States under the name
of Zoetrope.

14. By this time Muybridge was working on
his first zoopraxiscope, which he
demonstrated at Leland Stanford's Palo
Alto home in the autumn.

15. For an example of Eakins's
diagrammatic representation, see
illustration above.

16. The first mention of combining sound
with photographically analyzed motion.
Cf. remark in The S.F. Call for 5 May
1880, "All that was missing was the
clatter of hoofs!" (Kingston

Scrapbook, p. 58).

17. E.J. Marey, Animal Mechanism, New
York, 1874. On this page Marey also
remarks: "All [the necessary researches
into animal locomotion ] can only be
effected by men especially interested in
these inquiries, and placed in favorable
circumstances to undertake them." This
certainly is a description that suits
Leland Stanford. Stanford immediately
accepted the challenge.

18. But see the date of Animal Mechanism,
above.

19. For a discussion of the difference
between recording photographically the
motion of a subject who moves along the
line of vision and one that moves across
it, or laterally, see B. Newhall, op. cit.

20. For a discussion of the published
picture, see catalogue.

21. An error in date. There were no series
pictures until 1878.

22.Enoch Wood Perry, Jr. (1831-1915),

was an internationally famous portrait
painter. He is listed in Muybridge 's
promotion piece for Animal
Locomotion as a subscriber.
"A California Coach and Four" is
probably an oblique reference to Thomas
Eakins's use of the photographs of
Edgington for the painting The Fairman
Rogers Four-in-Hand, 1879. Muybridge
never refers to Eakins by name, although
he corresponded with him.

23. See illustrations.

24. Again, Muybridge's time calculations
appear to be off. The first serial
photographs were taken in the spring of
1878; the zoogyroscope (later called the
zoopraxiscope) was operated in 1879, a
matter of a year and several months.
But it must be remembered that in
1877, Muybridge and Stanford ordered
twelve cameras for the experiments; a
strip of an object in motion for a
zoetrop with thirteen slots has twelve
images. It seems likely that Stanford
and Muybridge followed Marey's
suggestion in 1874 of producing an
"animated zoology," and from then
onward directed the experiments
toward the synthesis as well as the
analysis of motion.

25. Muybridge later reduced the size of the
disk to twelve inches.

26.Stillman, in his deposition, cited in the
introduction, says: "The first thing
done was, we sent to Chicago for the

skeleton of a horse or the Governor

did. We had no basis, no anatomical
knowledge relating to horses, and no
way by which we could get it; and it
was evident to me that we had got to
begin on the anatomy. . . . We therefore
sent for the skeleton. (Stillman
deposition, pp. 4-5.) The skeleton is
shown in six different phases of motion
in the drawings made from Muybridge's
photographs for Stillman's book (Plates
XII, XXXV and XLVHI). Photographs
of it appear on the last ten pages of
Muybridge's The Attitudes of Animals
in Motion, Palo Alto, May 1881.

27. The letter was written two days after

132

Meissonier's reception, which was held
on Saturday, 26 November, the day on
which Stanford left.

28. See p. 6 for a reproduction of the
painting.

29. By "disposition" Muybridge means
further financial support.

30. Stanford had returned to Palo Alto by
now, and when the letter was received
there by Shay, in early 1882, had
already written his Preface to J.D.B.
Stillman's The Horse in Motion.

31. By "embarrassing" does Muybridge
refer to his enforced travel to Central
America in 1875-76 after the scandal of
the Larkyns murder of 1874? The serial
trials were probably envisioned in 1874,
the year Marey's book was published in
English, but could not be taken up until
after Muybridge had returned and had
finished printing his Central America
photographs; that is, not until 1877.

32. The letters to Stanford have not been
found by the authors of this catalogue.

33. His Yosemite series of 1872, which
occupied him for almost a year, brought
Muybridge over $20,000. On 30 May
1881, Stanford paid Muybridge $2,000
for his work at the Palo Alto Farm,
which had occupied him intermittantly
from 1877 to 1881. (The record of
payment is in the Collis P. Huntington
Collection of the George Arents
Research Library, Syracuse University.)
The payment was made to Muybridge in
New York, and is marked on Stanford's
account as "chargeable to Photograph
a/c." This strange letter designation
may be deciphered as "auto-
matic-electro," which is Muybridge 's
description of his first published
"photograph" of Occident in 1877.

34. The letter is not in Muybridge's hand.
The two printed above, to Shay, are.

35. The two following items are paired in
the Kingston Scrapbook.

36. Muybridge instituted his first suit
Osgood us. Muybridge in the Circuit
Court of Massachusetts on 14
September 1882. It was immediately

non-suited; Muybridge then initiated
Stanford vs. Muybridge.

37. See Documents, E.

38. The original painting is now in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New
York, and the watercolor in the
Huntington Hartford Collection.

39.Muybridge was in San Francisco
preparing to embark upon A
Zoopraxigraphical tour of the Orient.
During his visit to the city, he also
wrote two notes to Stanford, (5 August
189 2, originals in The Bancroft
Library), asking that he deliver two
boxes of equipment to friends of his in
the area, the Doyles. It is these two
wooden boxes, we believe, which were
recently found in San Francisco by
Marilyn Blaisdell, a San Francisco dealer
in Californiana, and purchased by the
Stanford Museum. The lamp housing
for the Stanford copy of the
zoopraxiscope, a chromotrope, the
lateral sliding shutter of 1869, and the
glass positives of animals in motion
illustrated in the catalogue were in them.
The Doyle family of Menlo Park for years
held the collection of Muybridge
stereographs and larger views that is
now in The Bancroft Library.
Instead of touring the Orient,
Muybridge accepted an invitation to
lecture at the World's Columbian
Exposition in Chicago, 1893.

40. The letter has not been found by the
authors of this catalogue.

41. From August of 1879 until May of
1881, Muybridge worked on the
improvement of his zoopraxiscope and
on printing The Attitudes of Animals in
Motion. He also gave lectures
throughout California during this
period.

4 2. Muybridge must be referring to The
Attitudes of Animals in Motion. An
advertisement for Attitudes appeared in
The British Journal of Photography for
19 August 1881: "THE ATTITUDES
OF ANIMALS IN MOTION. A series of
209 PHOTOGRAPHS, illustrating 2,000

attitudes of Men, Horses, Dogs, and
other Animals, while executing their
various movements from life, by
MUYBRIDGE. Price £20 for the entire
series. Published by the Author, and for
sale at the Office of The British Journal
of Photography, 2, York St., Covent
Garden, London, W.C." Then it was
Leland Stanford's name that was
missing. This and the letters to Shay
reprinted above probably made
Stanford hurry home to produce his
own book.

43.Muybridge refers to John Henry Pepper,
author of The Boy's Play book of
Science, London and New York, second
edition, 1860.

44. Muybridge is referring to the following
passage, p. 26 of his Descriptive
Zoopraxography (1893):

"Although the one six-thousandth
part of a second was the duration of the
most rapid exposure made in this
investigation, it is by no means the limit
of mechanically effected photographic
exposures. Marey, in his remarkable
physiological investigations, has
recently made successive exposures with
far less intervals of time; and the author
has devised, and when a relaxation of
the demands upon his time permit, will
use an apparatus which will photograph
twenty consecutive phases of a single
vibration of the wing of an insect; even
assuming as correct a quotation from
Nicholson's Journal by Pettigrew in his
work on Animal Locomotion that a
common house fly will make during
flight seven hundred and fifty vibrations
of its wings in a second of time, a
number probably far in excess of the
reality.

The ingenious gentlemen who are
persistently endeavoring to overcome
the obstacles in the construction of an
apparatus for aerial navigation, will
perhaps some day be awakened by the
fact that the only successful method of
propulsion will be found in the action
of the wing of an insect."

133

Muybridge Bibliography

By Muybridge

With original photographs and text:

The Attitudes of Animals in Motion, Palo Alto, 1881
[see catalogue entry]

With reproductions of his photographs and text:

Animal Locomotion, University of Pennsylvania, 1887

"An electro- photographic investigation of consecutive

phases of animal movements. 1872-1885"

11 volumes; 781 plates in portfolios, 19 1/8 x 24 3/8 in.

The plates printed by the Photogravure Company of New York

Animals in Motion: An Electro-Photographic Investigation of

Consecutive Phases of Animal Progressive Movements,

London, Chapman & Hall, 1899

"Commenced 1872. Completed 1885"

264 pp., 118 illustrations, including examples from both

the Palo Alto and the University of Pennsylvania experiments

The Human Figure in Motion: An Electro-Photographic
Investigation of Consecutive Phases of Muscular Actions,
London, Chapman & Hall, 1901
"Commenced 1872. Completed 1885"
280 pp., 154 illustrations

Descriptive of his work:

"Leland Stanford's Gift to Science and to Art,"
San Francisco Examiner, 6 February 1881

Animal Locomotion, Prospectus and Catalogue,
University of Pennsylvania, 1887

The Science of Animal Locomotion (Zobpraxography),
University of Pennsylvania, 1891

Descriptive Zob'praxography, or the Science of Animal
Locomotion Made Popular, University of Pennsylvania, 1893
"Published as a memento of a series of lectures given by the
author under the auspices of the United States Government
Bureau of Education at the World's Columbian Exposition,
in Zoopraxographical Hall, 1893"

Recent reissues of Muybridge's work, edited:

The Human Figure in Motion, introduction by R.A. Taft,
New York, Dover, 1955

Animals in Motion, L.S. Brown, ed., New York, Dover, 1957

Animal Locomotion, Vol. 1, "Males (nude)," New York,
Da Capo Press, 1969

On the Muybridge Work

Catalogue of Photographic Views Illustrating The Yosemite,
Mammoth Trees, Geyser Springs, and other remarkable and
Interesting Scenery of the Far West, by Muybridge, Bradley &
Rulofson Gallery of Portrait and Landscape Photographic Art,
San Francisco, 1873
2,385 entries

J.D.B. Stillman, The Horse in Motion, 1882
[see catalogue entry]

W.D. Marks, H. Allen, F.X. Dercum, Animal Locomotion. The
Muybridge Work at the University of Pennsylvania. The Method
and the Result, University of Pennsylvania, 1888

F.X. Dercum, "The Walk and Some of its Phases in Disease;
Together with Other Studies Based on the Muybridge Investi-
gation," Transactions, College of Physicians of Philadelphia, 10,
1888, pp. 308-338

134

W.E. Finny, "Eadweard James Muybridge: A Famous Kingstonian,
Scientist, Inventor, Benefactor," The Concentric, Kingston-upon-
Thames, Summer, 1931

T.E. Keys and L.A. Julin, "The Development of the Medical
Motion Picture," Surgery, Gynecology and Obstetrics, Vol. 91,
November 1950, pp. 625-636

B. Newhall, "Muybridge and the First Motion Picture; the Horse
in the History of the Movies," Image, January 1956, pp. 4-11;
reprinted, U.S. Camera Annual, 1957, pp. 235-42

Gordon Hendricks, The Edison Motion Picture Myth, Berkeley,
University of California Press, 1961

Mary V. Jessup Hood and Robert Bartlett Haas, "Eadweard
Muybridge's Yosemite Valley Photographs, 1867-1872,"
California Historical Society Quarterly, Vol. XLII,
San Francisco, March 1963, pp. 5-26

W.I. Homer with J. Talbot, "Eakins, Muybridge and the Motion
Picture Process," The Art Quarterly, Vol. XXVI, No. 2,
Summer 1963, pp. 194-216

H. Hamilton, "Les Allures du cheval, Eadweard James
Muybridge's Contribution to the Motion Picture,"
Film Comment, Vol. V, No. 3, Fall, 1969, pp. 18-35

Forthcoming:

Robert Bartlett Haas, Muybridge, Man in Motion, Berkeley,
University of California Press

Thorn Andersen, Eadweard Muybridge, Zobpraxographer
A sixty-minute film in 16 mm. color. Made at UCLA

135

We are grateful to the institutions and individuals
noted in the catalogue who have loaned material to the
exhibition, and to those who have given permission to
have their material illustrated in the catalogue.

Information for the exhibition and the catalogue has come
from many sources. We particularly thank Robert B. Haas;
A. William and Mary V.J. Hood, Twenty nine Palms, California;
Susan Rosenberg, Stanford University Archives; Beaumont Newhall,
University of New Mexico; John Barr Tompkins, The Bancroft
Library; Daniel Ross, Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences;
F. John Owens, Central Library, Kingston-upon-Thames; Susan
Frank, Washington, D.C.;and William I. Homer, University of
Delaware.

The photographer Leo Holub of Stanford University made it
possible to include Muybridge's Central America work and the
San Francisco panorama in the exhibition by making copy negatives
and prints from the bound originals. He also made exhibition
prints from the Muybridge negatives of the San Francisco home.
Ralph E. Talbert, professor of photography in the Department
of Journalism, Sacramento State College, made exhibition prints
from Muybridge negatives of the Stanford Sacramento home and
the eclipse of the sun. Thomas Waskevich of Stanford University
Reprographic Services photographed the Muybridge equipment
for the catalogue.

Timothy Vitale and Donald Glaister prepared the photographs
and the optical toys for the exhibition.

David Beach, Stanford University Mechanical Design Department,
brought a zoopraxiscope once again to Palo Alto Farm.

Lorenz Eitner, director of the Stanford Museum and

Chairman of the Department of Art, graciously supported

the exhibition and catalogue. The staff of the Stanford

Museum, of which Betsy G. Fryberger was Acting Curator

during the period of the exhibition's installation, has also helped

to make both the exhibition and the catalogue possible.

In the name of Muybridge, sincere thanks is extended to
them all. A.V. Mozley

Printing: Hooper Printing & Lithography, San Francisco
Type: Evelyn Miller, Compco-Type, San Francisco
Design: A.V. Mozley , Stanford University Museum of Art

Eadweard Muybrit

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